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At a Meeting of the Committee of THE BANNATYNE 
CLUB, held on Monday, the 29th of March 1847. 


That Club Paper be furnished for One Hundred and Twelve Copies of 
CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, in three volumes, octavo, to be Edited by 

Bishop Russell for the Spottiswoode Society. 


At a Meeting of the Committee of THE BANNATYNE 
CLUB, held on Thursday, the 31st of August 1848. 

A letter from the Secretary of the Spottiswoode Society was read, ex- 
plaining that arrangements were now made with Messrs Oliver & Boyd for 
completing the republication of Akohbishop Spottiswood's History, under 
the supeiiateudence of Mabk Napiee, Esq., Advocate, in the event of the 
Bannatyne Club continuing their Subscription, upon the same terms, as had 
been agreed upon, when the Work was originally undertaken. 

The CoMmTTEE directed the Secretary to express their willingness to 
accede to the proposed arrangement, as their chief desire was to have the 
Work completed under the charge of an ostensible Editor, whose name might 
be a svifficient guarantee for the fidelity of the republication. 

Extracted from the Minutes, 

David Laing, Secretary. 


















>HE next year began with a trouble in the 
borders, which was hke to have disturbed the 
peace betwixt the two realms, and arose upon 
this occasion. The Lord Scroope being then 
warden of the west marches of England, and 
the laird of Buccleuch having the charge of Liddisdale, thej 
sent their deputies to keep a day of truce for redress of some 
ordinary matters. The place of meeting was at the Day holme 
of Kershop, where a small brook divideth England from Scot- 
land, and Liddisdale from Bow Castle. There met as dep- 
uty for the laird of Buccleuch Robert Scott of Haining ; and 
for the Lord Scroope, a gentleman witliin the west wardenry, 
called Mr Salkeld. These two, after truce taken and pro- 
claimed, as the custom was, by sound of trumpet, met friend- 
ly, and, upon mutual redress of such wrongs as were then 
complained of, parted in good terms, each of them taking his 
way homewards. Meanwhile it happened one Wilham Arm- 
strong, commonly called Will of Kinmouth, to be in company 
with the Scottish deputy, against whom the English had a 
quarrel for many wrongs he had committed, as he was indeed 
a notorious thief. This man having taken his leave of the 
VOL. ni. 1 

2 THE HISTOUY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

Scots deputy, and riding down the river of Liddle on the 
Scottish side towards his own house, was pursued by the 
English that espied him from the other side of the river, and 
after a chase of three or four miles taken prisoner, and 
brought back to the Enghsh deputy, who carried him away 
to the castle of Carlisle. 

The laird of Buccleuch complaining of the breach of truce 
(which was always taken fi*om the time of meeting unto the 
next day at sunrising), wrote to Mr Salkeld, and craved re- 
dress. He excused himself by the absence of the Lord 
Scroope. Whereupon Buccleuch sent to the Lord Scroope, 
and desired the prisoner might be set at liberty without any 
bond or condition, seeing he was unlawfully taken. Scroope 
answered, " that he could do nothing in the matter, it having 
so happened, without a direction from the queen and council 
of England, considering the man was such a malefactor. 
Buccleuch loath to inform the king of what was done, lest it 
might have bred some misliking betwixt the princes, dealt 
with Mr Bowes, the resident ambassador of England, for the 
prisoner's liberty ; who wrote very seriously to the Lord 
Scroope in that business, advising him to set the man free, 
and not to bring the matter to a farther hearing. But no 
answer was returned. The matter thereupon was imparted 
to the king, and the queen of England solicited by letters to 
give direction for his liberty ; yet nothing was obtained. 
Which Buccleuch perceiving, and apprehending both the 
king, and himself as the king's officer, to be touched in 
honour, he resolved to work the prisoner's relief by the best 
means he could. 

And upon intelligence that the castle of Carlisle, wherein 
the prisoner was kept, was surprisable, he employed some 
trusty persons to take a view of the postern-gate, and measure 
the height of the wall, which he meant to scale by ladders ; 
and if those failed, to break through the wall with some iron 
instruments, and force the gates. This done so closely as he 
could, he drew together some two hundi*ed horse, assigning 
the place of meeting at the tower of Morton, some ten miles 
from CarHsle, an hour before sunset. With this company 
passing the water of Esk about the foiling, two hours before 
day he crossed Eden beneath CarHsle bridge (the water 
through the rain that had fallen being well thick), and came to 


the Sacery, a plain under the castle. There making a little 
halt at the side of a small burn which they call Cadaye, he 
caused eighty of the company to light from their horses, and 
take the ladders and other instruments which he had pre- 
pared with them. He himself accompanying them to the 
foot of the wall, caused the ladders to be set to it ; which 
proving too short, he gave order to use the other instruments 
for opening the wall nigh the postern, and finding the busi- 
ness like to succeed, retired to the rest whom he had left on 
horseback, for assuring those that entered upon the castle 
against any eruption from the town. With some little labour 
a breach was made for single men to enter, and they who 
first went in brake open the postern for the rest. The 
watchmen and some few the noise awaked made a little re- 
sistance, but they were quickly repressed and taken captive. 
After which they passed to the chamber wherein the pri- 
soner was kept, and having brought him forth, sounded a 
trumpet, which was a signal to them without that the enter- 
prise was performed. The Lord Scroope and Mr Salkeld. 
were both within the house, and to them the prisoner cried 
a good night. The captives taken in the first encounter 
were brought to Buccleuch, who presently returned them to 
their master, and would not suffer any spoil or booting, as 
they term it, to be carried away : he had straitly forbidden 
to break open any door but that where the prisoner was 
kept, though he might have made prey of all the goods 
within the castle, and taken the warden himself captive ; for 
he would have it seen that he did intend nothing but the re- 
paration of his majesty's honour. By the time that the prisoner 
was brought forth, the town had taken the alarm, the drums 
were beating, the bells ringing, and a beacon put on the top 
of the castle to give warning to the country. Whereupon 
Buccleuch commanded those that entered the castle and the 
prisoner to horse, and marching again by the Sacery, made 
to the river at the Stony bank ; on the other side whereof 
certain were assembled to stop his passage : but he causing 
sound the trumpet took the river, day being then broken ; 
and they choosing to give him way, he retired in order 
through the Grahams of Esk (men at that time of great 
power and his unfriends), and came back into Scottish ground 
two hours after sunrising, and so homewards. 

4 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

This fell out the thirteenth of April 1596. The queen of 
England having notice sent her of what was done stormed 
not a little. One of her chief castles surprised, a prisoner 
taken forth of the hands of the warden and carried away, so 
far within England, she esteemed a great affront. The 
Kegcr, Mr Bowes, in a frequent convention kept at Edin- 
burgh the twenty-second of May, did, as he was charged, in 
a long oration aggravate the heinousness of the fact, conclud- 
ing that peace could not longer continue betwixt the two 
realms, unless Buccleuch were delivered in England to be 
punished at the queen's pleasure. Buccleuch compearing, 
and charged with the fact, made answer, that he went not 
into England with intention to assault any of the queen's 
houses, or to do wrong to any of her subjects, but only to re- 
lieve a subject of Scotland unlawfully taken, and more un- 
lawfully detained ; that in the time of a general assurance, in 
a day of truce, he was taken prisoner against all order, 
neither did he attempt his relief till redress was refused; and 
that he had carried the business in such a moderate fashion, 
as no hostility was committed, nor the least wrong offered to 
any within the castle. Yet was he content, according to the 
ancient treaties observed betwixt the two realms, whenas 
mutual injuries were alleged, to be tried by the commissioners 
that it should please their majesties to appoint, and submit 
himself to that which they should decern. The convention 
esteeming the answer reasonable did acquaint the ambas- 
sador therewith, and offered to send commissioners to the 
borders with all diligence, to treat with such as the queen 
should be pleased to appoint for her part. 

But she, not satisfied with the answer, refused to appoint 
any commissioners ; whereupon the council of England did 
renew the complaint in July thereafter, and the business 
being of new agitated, it was resolved as of before that the 
same should be remitted to the trial of commissioners ; the 
king protesting, that albeit he might with greater reason 
crave the deUvcry of the Lord Scroope for the injury com- 
mitted by his deputy, it being less favourable to take a 
prisoner than to relieve him that is unlawfully taken, yet 
for the continuing of peace he would forbear to do it, and 
omit nothing on Ids part that could be desired either in equity 
or by the laws of friendship. The borderers in the mean- 


time making daily incursions one upon another filled all those 
parts with trouble, the English being continually put to the 
worse ; neither were they made quiet till, for satisfying the 
queen, the laird of Buccleuch was first committed in St 
Andrews, and afterwards entered in England, where he re- 
mained not long.' 

At the same time, for bringing the isles to obedience. 
Colonel Stewart was employed to levy a thousand men, 
every shire furnishing twenty horsemen and thirty foot, or 
so much money as would sustain them, allowing the horse- 
men twenty -four pounds monthly, and the foot twelve pounds, 
besides the supply , of the free burghs. These companies 
were appointed to meet at Dumbarton the twentieth of Au- 
gust, for attending the king or his lieutenant by the space of 
forty days, according to the custom, and when the day was 
come were commanded to follow the colonel, as designed 
lieutenant by the king. But upon the bruit of this ex- 
pedition the principals of the isles did all submit themselves, 
offering obedience, and to appear before the king at the time 
his majesty should appoint. So that expedition ceased, the 
colonel going no farther than Islay, where he remained a few 
days, and took assurance for their compearing. 

In the March preceding, the Assembly of the Church con- 
vened at Edinburgh, for consulting upon the dangers threat- 
ened to religion by the invasion of the Spaniard, which was 
then generally noised. Some brethren directed to lay open 
the perils to his majesty, returned with this answer, " That 
albeit there was no great cause to fear any such invasion at 
that time, yet they should do well to give their advice as if 
the danger were at hand, which would serve when necessity 
did require." The Assembly upon this thought meet to 
enter into consideration both of the dangers and remedies ; 
and first to inquire upon the causes that had provoked God 
to threaten the realm with that tyrannous nation, to the end 
the same might be removed ; then to deliberate how by 
ordinary lawful means the enemy should be resisted. The 
causes they condescended to be the sins of all estates, and 
especially the sins of the ministry ; which they held best 
should be penned and drawn to certain heads, that the cor- 
ruptions being laid open, the remedies might be the better 
' [See note to this Book — E.] 

6 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D, 1596. 

provided. For this work some of the brethren were named 
and set apart, who, after a day or two, presented in writing a 
number of articles touching the corruption of ministers, as 
well in their offices as in their lives and manners ; the 
offences in the king's house, in the court, and in the judg- 
ment-seats ; the defection and faults common to all estates ; 
and the remedies which in their opinion were fit to be used. 
The Assembly allowing their labours, and acknowledging 
their own guiltiness in that which concerned themselves, 
ordained a day of humihation to be kept on Tuesday the 
week following by the ministers that were present, for re- 
concihng themselves to God, and making up a new covenant 
with him for the better discharge of their duties. This is 
the covenant that by some is so often objected, and said to be 
violated by those that gave obedience to the canons of the 
Church; albeit in it there is not a word or syllable that sounds 
either to the confirming of the Church government then in 
use, or to the rejecting of that which since hath been estab- 
lished. But when other arguments fail them, somewhat must 
be said to entertain the conceits of the popular. By this cov- 
enant all did bind themselves to abide in the profession of the 
truth, and to walk according to the same, as God should enable 
them. But for the rules of policy, or ceremonies serving to 
good order or decency, let inspection be taken of the register 
which is extant, and it shall clearly appear, that at the time 
there was not so much as any mention thereof made. 

But to proceed : the advice they gave for resisting the 
practices of the enemy was, " That all who had kithed in 
action with the popish lords should enter their persons in 
ward, till assurance was given that they should neither keep 
intelligence with the rebels, nor join with them in case they 
did return into the country, that the rents and livings of 
the rebels should be uplifted for entertainment of soldiers, 
and supporting other necessary affairs, that, in every parish, 
captains should be chosen for the mustering and training of 
men in arms, and some commanders in every shire appointed 
for convening the county at needful occasions, lastly, that they 
who were sureties for the good behaviour of the rebels with- 
out the realm should be called, and decerned to pay the sums 
contained in their bonds." 

This advice presented to the king went much against his 


mind ; for his desire was to have the banished lords reclaimed 
and brought to obedience, which he esteemed to be the 
greatest assurance both of his own peace and the country's 
quiet : therefore did he only answer, " That if it could be 
proved that the lords since their departing from Scotland 
had trafficked with strangers to the prejudice of religion or 
state, they should be used with all extremity ; but otherwise 
neither could their cautioners be convicted, nor would he 
change the course which he had kept with their wives and 
children." Not long before this Assembly the king had 
communicated his mind to Mr Robert Bruce touching that 
business, hoping that by the sway he carried in those meet- 
ings some such propositions as tended to the reclaiming of 
the banished lords should have been made by the Assembly ; 
but finding his expectation not answered, he brake to him the 
matter of new, and showed " how greatly it concerned his 
estate to have them reduced and called home; that the 
queen of England was grown old, and if any should after 
her death withstand his title, he would have need of his sub- 
jects' assistance ; and that having so many nobles exiled, he 
would be less respected of strangers, and be a great deal 
weaker at home. If he could therefore win them to acknow- 
ledge their offence, and to embrace the true religion (without 
which they should never get any favour from him), he be- 
lieved the course would not be disallowed of wise men and 
those that loved him. Always he desired to know his judg- 
ment, for as yet he had not showed his mind in that matter 
to any person." 

Mr Robert, being as then in great favour and credit with 
the king, said, " that he did think well of his majesty's reasons; 
and that he should not do amiss to bring home Angus and 
ErroU, so as they would conform themselves in rehgion. But 
that Huntly could not be pardoned, being so hated as he was 
of the subjects." The king reasoning to the contrary, " That 
if Huntly should be willing to satisfy the Church and fulfil 
the conditions which he would require of him, he saw no 
reason why he should not be received as well as the other 
two ; and as he could not but know that his care of that man 
was great, and he liaving married his cousin, whom he ac- 
counted his own daughter, so was he the man of greatest 
power, and one that could stand him in most stead. There- 

8 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

fore desired Mr Robert to think of that matter, and after a 
day or two give him his advice in it." At the next meeting 
being inquired wliat he had thought of the business, he 
answered as before, saying, " That Huutly's return would 
be ill interpreted, and offend all good men." The king re- 
peating the former reasons, and adding, " That if ho brought 
one home he would bring them all ;" he replied, " I see, sire, 
that your resolution is to take Huntly in favour ; which if 
you do, I will oppose, and you shall choose whether you will 
lose Huntly or me ; for us both you cannot keep," This 
saucy reply the king did never forget, and it was this which 
lost him the favour which formerly he carried with the king. 

Shortly after, the exiled lords not finding that respect 
given unto them in foreign parts which they expected, took 
a resolution to return, and to use all means for reconciUng 
themselves to the king and chiirch. And that their return 
might be the more secret, they separated one from another. 
ErroU taking his journey homewards through the United 
Provinces was intercepted, and delivered into the hands of 
Mr Robert Danielston, conservator of the Scottish privileges, 
to be kept by him till the king should be advertised. But, 
whether by the conservator's knowledge or otherwise, he 
made an escape and came into the country, Huntly came 
some months before, and lurking quietly in the north, sent a 
supplication to his majesty and the convention which met at 
Falkland the twelfth of August, the effect whereof was, that 
he might be permitted to return, and remain within any part 
of the country his majesty should appoint, he giving sufficient 
suret}^ for his quiet and peaceable behaviour. 

The king having heard the supplication, took occasion to 
say, " That one of two courses was needful to be followed 
with him and the rest that were in his condition ; that is, 
either utterly to exterminate them, their race, and posterity, 
or then, upon their humble acknowledgment of their offence, 
and surety made for the state of religion, to receive them in 
favour ; for to continue in the condition wherein they presently 
were, could not stand either with the safety of religion, or 
with his own honour and estate. The first course," said he, 
" hath its own difficulties, and will not be performed without 
great trouble ; and for myself, so long as there is any hope 
til at they may be reduced to the profession of the truth, I 


desire not their destruction, but like rather to extend my 
clemency towards them ; which I believe is the mind of all 
good and peaceable men. As to the present offer made by 
Huntly, I do think it welP general, and to no purpose ; 
therefore by your advice I would have particular conditions 
condescended upon, such as may serve for the security of re- 
ligion, mine own honour, and the tranquillity of the country. 
Such conditions being offered, and security found for per- 
formance, I should then think that license might be granted 
him to return, he being confined in such a part of the country 
as should be thought most convenient." The convention, 
approving his majesty's judgment, resolved upon this as the 
fittest course, remitting the conditions to be formed by his 
highness and the lords of council. 

In another convention of the Estates at Dunfermline, the 
penult of September, the same conclusion was ratified, and 
the baptism of the princess, who was born the nineteenth of 
August, appointed to be at Halyrudhouse the twenty-eighth 
of November next. 

How soon this their return into the country was known, 
and that such an act was passed in their favours, the commis- 
sioners of the Church assembled at Edinburgh, where falling to 
consider the dangers threatened to religion by their return, it 
was thought necessary to acquaint all the presbyteries with the 
present state of things ; particularly that the forfeited earls 
were returned into the country without his majesty's warrant 
and approbation ; that they remained peaceably in the same, 
using all means to be restored to their livings, albeit they had 
neither acknowledged their offence in that treasonable dealing 
with the king of Spain, nor their defection and apostasy from 
the truth ; and that they had obtained an act of council in 
their favours at the convention of Falkland, which was rati- 
fied thereafter at Dunfermline, whereby they were licensed 
to remain upon certain conditions to be prescribed unto them 
by his majesty and council, to the manifest hazard both of 
Church and state, considering their continuance in the same 
disposition to work mischief as before. Of these things they 
were desired to inform their flocks ; and both in pubHc doc- 
trine and private conference to stir up the people to appre- 
hend the danger, and to be in readiness for resisting the same 

' Very. 

10 THE HISTORY OF THE [a, I>. 1596. 

SO far as lavrfully they might. It was farther thought meet, 
that a pubhc liumihation should be indicted through the whole 
country the first Sunday of December, and the cause thereof 
declared to be the return of the excommunicated lords, and 
dangers thereby threatened to religion, which the ministers 
should enlarge according to their discretions ; as also that 
the presbyteries should call before them their entertainers, 
resetters, and such as kept company with them, and proceed 
summarily with the censures of the Church, una citatione, 
quia periclitatur salus Ecdesice et Beipublica;. Lastly, they 
concluded that a number of commissioners selected out of all 
the quarters of the country should reside at Edinburgh, and 
convene every day with some of the presbytery of Edin- 
burgh, to receive such advertisements as should be sent 
from other places, and take counsel upon the most expe- 
dient in every case. The brethren nominated to this pur- 
pose were Mr Alexander Douglas, Mr Peter Blackburn, 
Mr George Gladstanes, and Mr James Nicholson for the 
north parts ; Mr James Melvill, Mr Thomas Buchanan, 
Mr Alexander Lindsay, and Mr William Stirling for the 
middle part of the country ; Mr John Clapperton, Mr John 
Knox, Mr George Ramsay, and IVIr James Carmichael for 
the south ; and for the west Mr John Howson, Mr Andrew 
Knox, John Porterfield, and Mr Robert Wilkie. Their at- 
tendance was ordained to be monthly, and to begin in No- 
vember ; at which time Mr James Nicholson, Mr James 
Melvill, Mr Andrew Knox, Mr John Howson, and Mr 
George Ramsay were appointed to wait : Mr Robert Bruce, 
Mr Robert Pont, Mr David Lindsay, Mr James Balfour, 
Mr Patrick Galloway, and INIr Walter Balcanqucl observ- 
ing ordinarily all the meetings. 

These conventions were by a new name called the council 
of the Church, and appointed to be kept once every day at 
least, for taking advice in every business that occurred. 
By direction of this council Lord Alexander Seaton, pre- 
sident of the session, was called before the synod of Lothian, 
for keeping intelligence with the earl of Huntly, and by 
them remitted back to that council ; before whom, with many 
attestations, he purged himself of any dealing with Huntly, 
or any of the papist lords, and, upon promise not to employ 
his credit that way, was dimitted. 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 11 

The king suspecting these beginnings should end in some 
trouble, but not liking to fall in contrary terras with the 
Church, if by any means the same could be eschewed, com- 
manded the president, secretary,, advocate, and laird of 
Colluthie, to confer with the most moderate of the ministry, 
and use their best means for satisfying them touching the 
return of the forfeited lords. Mr David Lindsay, Mr 
Patrick Galloway, Mr James Nicholson, and Mr James 
Melvill being sent for to this conference, were desired to give 
their opinions, " Whether or not, due satisfaction being 
made to the Church by these lords (for otherwise the king 
did not mean to show them any favour), they might be 
pardoned and restored to their estates." The ministers 
answering, " They came only to hear what was proponed, 
and in a matter of that importance could say nothing unac- 
quainting their brethren," the conference was delayed till 
afternoon ; at which time returning they said, " That the 
brethren were glad of the respect carried by his majesty to 
the Church, and that his resolution was to give no favour to 
those rebels till the Church was first satisfied. But in their 
judgments, they having by God's law deserved death, and 
being by the most sovereign court of the kingdom sentenced 
to have lost their estates, they could not be lawfully pardoned 
nor restored. And if the king and his council would take 
on them to do it, they had God and the country to answer 
unto ; but for them they would give no assent, but protest 
to the contrary that they were free thereof before God and 

This answer seeming rather to proceed of passion than 
any good zeal, it was next urged, " Whether upon their 
humble and submissive suit to be reconciled, the Church 
could deny to receive them, it being commonly held, that 
the bosom of the Church should ever be patent to repenting 
sinners." They answered, " That the Church indeed 
could not refuse their satisfaction, if it were truly offered ; 
nevertheless the king stood obliged to do justice." When 
by no reasoning they could be wrought from these extrem- 
ities, the conference brake off, and the effects thereof being 
reported to the king, he was greatly commoved, inveighing 
against the ministers at his table, in council, and everywhere. 
The wiser sort, that foresaw the ill effects this rancour 

12 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

would breed, advised the ministers to send some of their 
number, to understand what it was that did so offend the 
king, and offer all satisfaction on their parts ; withal to lay 
open their grievances, and in humble manner entreat a 
redress of things which they esteemed hurtful. 

Herein the same brethren being employed, they found 
the king's answers more biting and peremptory than they 
expected ; for being desired to show what it was that made 
his majesty so offended with the Church, and professing to 
amend it so far as lay in them, he said, there could be no 
agreement so long as the marches of the two jurisdictions 
were not distinguished ; that in their preachings they did 
censure the affairs of the estate and council, convocated 
general assemblies without his license, concluded what they 
thought good, not once desiring his allowance and approba- 
tion, and in their synods, presbyteries, and particular sessions, 
meddle with everything upon colour of scandal; besides 
divers other disorders, which at another time he would 
propound and have reformed, otherwise it was vain to think 
of any agreement, or that the same being made, could stand 
and continue any while. 

The ministers not willing to dip in these matters, after 
they had in sober manner replied to each of these points, 
fell to speak of their own grievances. As first, the favour 
granted to the popish lords in the late conventions at 
Falkland and Dunfermline ; the countenance given to the 
Lady Huntly, and her invitation to the baptism of the 
princess ; the putting of her in the hands of the Lady Living- 
stone, an avowed and obstinate papist ; and, which grieved 
them more than anything else, the alienation of his majesty's 
heart from the ministers, as appeared by all his speeches 
public and private. To this last the king did first reply, 
saying, " That they had given him too just cause by their 
raiUng against him, and his proceedings, in their sermons." 
For the popish lords, he had granted nothing to them but 
what the estate had found needful for the peace and quiet 
of the realm. As to the Lady Huntly, he esteemed her a good 
discreet lady, and worthy of his countenance ; and that she 
was a papist they might blame themselves, who had never 
taken care to inform her of the truth. Lastly, for his 
daughter the princess, he had trusted her to the Lord Living- 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 13 

stone, a uobleman known to be of good religion, and not to 
his lady, who should not be suffered to take any care of her, 
unless she conformed in point of religion. 

Whilst things thus passed betwixt the king and the Church, 
a new occasion of trouble was presented by Mr David 
Blake, one of the ministers of St Andrews, who had in one 
of his sermons cast forth divers speeches full of spite against 
the king, the queen, the lords of council and session, and 
amongst the rest had called the queen of England an atheist, 
a woman of no rehgion. This being delated to the Enghsh 
ambassador, he complained to the king, and thereupon 
was Mr David Blake cited to appear before the council 
the eighteenth of November. Mr Andrew Melvill accom- 
panying him to Edinburgh, did labour to make this a com- 
mon cause, giving out that the same was done only for a 
preparative against the ministers, to bring their doctrine 
under the censure and eontrolment of the king and council ; 
and so far he prevailed with the commissioners of the 
Church, as they sent certain of their number to entreat the 
deserting of the diet, saying, " It would be ill taken to draw 
ministers in question upon trifling delations, whenas the 
enemies of the truth were spared and overseen." The king, 
some days before, had published the conditions upon which 
he was to grant a protection to Huntly ; and asking these 
commissioners if they had seen the conditions, said, " That 
both he and the rest should either satisfy the Church in 
every point, or be pursued with all extremity, so as they 
should have no reason to complain of the oversight of 
papists." For Mr Blake, he said he did not think much of 
that matter, only they should cause him appear and take 
some course for pacifying the English ambassador. " But 
take heed," said the king, " that you do not decline the 
judicatory ; for if you do, it will be worse than anything 
yet fallen out." 


Now the conditions proponed to Huntly were as foUoweth : 
That he should give sufficient and reasonable caution of 
inland-men and landed barons, to the number of sixteen at 
least, who should be acted in the books of council under the 
pain of forty thousand pounds (each two of the cautioners 
conjunctly and severally for five thousand pounds of the said 

14 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

sum), that he should faithfully observe and fulfil the whole 
articles undermentioned, and every one of them. As first, 
that betwixt that and the first day of April next to come, he 
should either satisfy the Church for his apostasy, and return 
to the bosom thereof in uniformity of rehgion, or before the 
expiring of the said time depart again forth of the country, 
and not return without his majesty's hcense, 

2. Next, that during the said space, he should not receive 
in his company any Jesuit, mass-priests, or excommunicate 
papists, nor have any dealing, communication, or intelligence 
with them, especially with his uncle Mr James Gordon ; nor 
suffer his children, in case any be brought forth in the mean 
time, to be baptized by another than a minister. 

3. That so long as he remained in the country, as likewise 
in case of his departing at the time aforesaid, he should not 
traffic with any stranger or others whomsoever for alteration 
of the true religion, or disquieting the state of the country 
in any sort. 

4. That his former cautioners should remain obhged, in 
case after lawful trial it should be found that since his last 
departing he had trafficked with strangers for subversion of 
religion or the alteration of the state, in the sums for which 
they were bound. 

5. That he should presently enter his person in ward 
within such a place as his majesty should appoint. 

6. That, within fifteen days next, he should enter his 
eldest son and apparent heir as a hostage to his majesty for 
observing the articles before and after mentioned ; and that 
his said son should abide in such company, ward, or castle, 
as his majesty should appoint, where most conveniently he 
might be instructed in the true religion, and not escape by 
his father's knowledge or assistance. 

Lastly, That he should compear personally before the 
council whensoever he should be called, upon fifteen days' 
warning, for trying the contravention of any of the articles 
above expressed ; providing the cause for which he should 
be charged were expressed in the letters, and warrant given 
him that he should not be challenged for any other fact done 
before his last passing forth of Scotland. 

These articles the king caused to be imprinted, that all 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 15 

men might see he meant not to bestow any favour either 
upon him oi* the rest, unless they joined themselves to the 
rehgion publicly professed. Yet this served not to stop the 
mouths of people, nor did it remove the jealousy of the 
preachers, who were daily complaining " That papists were 
favoured, the ministers troubled for the free rebulce of sin, 
and the sceptre of Christ's kingdom sought to be overthrown. 
The process, they said, intended against Mr Blake was but 
a policy to divert the ministers from prosecuting their suit 
against the popish earls ; and if he should submit his doctrine 
to the trial of the council, the liberties of the Church and 
spiritual government of the house of God would be quite 
subverted. In any case therefore they concluded that a de- 
clinator should be used, and protestation made against these 
proceedings." This was held a dangerous course, and earnest- 
ly dissuaded by some few ; but they were cried down by the 
greater number, that said " it was the cause of God, whereunto 
it concerned them to stand at all hazard." So a declinator 
was formed and given Mr Blake to present, bearing this in 
substance : 

" That howbeit the conscience of his innocency did uphold 
him sufficiently against the calumnies of whomsoever, and 
that he was ready to defend the doctrine uttered by him, 
whether in opening the words or in application ; yet seeing 
he was brought thither to be judged by his majesty and 
council for his doctrine, and that his answering to the pre- 
tended accusation might import a prejudice to the liberties of 
the Church, and be taken for an acknowledgment of his 
majesty's jurisdiction in matters merely spiritual, he was 
constrained in all humility to decline that judicatory for the 
reasons following : First, Because the Lord Jesus, of whom 
he had the grace of his calling, had given him (albeit un- 
worthy of the honour to bear his name) his word for a rule 
of his preaching, and that he could not fall in the reverence 
of any civil law, but in so far as he should be tried to have 
passed his instructions, which trial belonged only to the 
prophets and pastors, the spirits of the prophets being sub- 
ject to them alone ; for as first it must be declared whether 
he had kept his instructions or not. 2. In regard the liberty 
of the Chm'ch and discipline presently exercised was con- 
firmed by divers acts of pai'liament, and the office-bearers 

16 THE HISTORY OF THE [a D. 1596. 

thereof peaceably possessed therein, particularly in the judi- 
catory of the word preached (as was clear by divers late 
examples), he ought to be remitted for his preaching to the 
ecclesiastic senate, as his competent judge in the first instance. 
For which and for other weighty considerations, and namely 
for eschewing the inconveniences that might fall to religion 
and his majesty's own estate, by the appearance of distrac- 
tion and aUenation of his majesty's mind from the ministry 
and the cause of God in their hands, he for himself, and in 
name of the commissioners of the General Assembly, who 
had subscribed the same declinator, did humbly beseech his 
majesty not to infringe the liberties of the Church, but rather 
manifest his care in maintaining the same." 

When the diet came, and the summons was read, being 
desired to answer, he said, " That albeit he might object 
against the citation, the same being directed super inquirendis, 
contrary to the form prescribed by parliament, and no par- 
ticular specified therein, yet he would take him to the usual 
remedy of law, and desire to be remitted to his own ordinary." 
It was asked what ordinary he meant ? He answered, " The 
presbytery wh^e the doctrine was taught." The king then 
replying that the matter laid to his charge was civil, and 
that the generality of the summons was restricted to the 
particular letter produced by the English ambassador, he 
said, " That the speeches wherewith he was charged being 
uttered in pulpit must be judged by the Church, in prima 
instantia." Again being inquired whether the king might 
not judge matters of treason, as well as the Church did 
judge points of heresy, he said, " That speeches deUvcred in 
pulpit, albeit alleged to be treasonable, could not be judged 
by the king till the Church took first cognition thereof ; but 
that he was not come thither to solve questions, and so pre- 
sented the declinator." The king, notwithstanding that he 
was greatly offended (because the day appointed for the 
baptism of the princess was approachmg), continued all 
farther proceeding to the last of November. 

Meanwhile had the commissioners for the Church sent a 
copy of Mr Blake's declinator with a letter to all the presby- 
teries, requiring them for the greater corroboration of their 
doings to subscribe the same, and to commend the cause in 
hand in their private and public prayers to God, using their 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 17 

best credit with their flocks, and employing all their labours 
for the maintenance thereof. The king being mightily in- 
censed with this doing, as tending to a direct mutiny, and 
the stirring up of the subjects to rebellion, gave forth a pro- 
clamation, wherein he said : 

" That certain persons of the ministry abiding in the town 
of Edinburgh had of long time continued together devising 
plots prejudicial to his majesty's authority, and, usurping a 
power over their brethren, had directed letters for subscrib- 
ing a declinator formed and already subscribed by themselves, 
requiring them with the return of their subscriptions to send 
some of their number to assist their proceedings, as though 
they were not subjects, and that the king had no power nor 
authority over them, intending, as appeared, by convocations 
and the like tumultuous forms, to break the peace and make 
an insurrection in the country ; whereas no care in the mean- 
time was taken of their flocks, but the same left comfortless 
and destitute of the preaching of the word ; all which they 
coloured with a general commission alleged to be given by 
the last General Assembly ; albeit there was no such com- 
mission, that which they produced containing only a power 
to consult and report, and not to set down acts, or exercise 
any jurisdiction : and granting that any such a commission 
had been given, the same could not be lawful, as given with- 
out the consent and approbation of his majesty's commis- 
sioners, who were present at the time. Therefore to prevent 
the disorders and confusion which therethrough might arise, 
his highness, with the advice of the council, discharged the 
said commission as unlawful in itself, and more unlawfully 
executed by the said commissioners ; commanding the per- 
sons underwritten, namely, Mr Andrew Melvill, Mr James 
Melvill, Mr John Davidson, Mr Nicoll Dalgleish, Mr James 
Nicholson, Mr James Carmichael, and John Clapperton, to 
depart home to their several flocks within twenty-four hours 
after the charge, and to attend upon the lawful discharge of 
their caUings, and noways to return for keeping such unlaw- 
ful convocations, either within the said burgh or without, 
under the pain of rebellion," 

The commissioners, upon information that such a charge 
was directed, fell to consult what course they should take ; 
and first they resolved, " That since they were convened by 

VOL, III, 2 

18 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

the warrant of Christ, in a most needful and dangerous time, 
to see unto the good of the Church, Et ne quid Ecclesia de- 
trimenti caperet, they sliould obey God rather than man ; 
and, notwithstanding of any charge that shoidd be given, 
continue together so long as conveniently they might, and in 
the mean time send some of the number to the Octavians 
(this was the title commonly given to those eight councillors 
that were trusted with all affairs), to advertise them, that 
seeing the Church at their entry to their places enjoyed a 
full peace and liberty, and that now it was cast into great 
troubles,' and the enemies of the truth spared and overlooked, 
they could not but think that all this proceeded from their 
counsels ; and therefore whatsoever the event should be, the 
Church would take herself to them, and they only sliould bear 
the blame." The president answering in choler said, " That 
these controversies were begun without their advice, and so 
they should end ; that for their good service they had reaped 
small thanks, and drawn upon themselves much envy, and 
therefore would have no meddling in that business betwixt the 
king and them, but leave it to him and his nobility." 

This answer put them to a second advice, and thinking 
they were mistaken, and that these councillors were not in 
the fault, but that all proceeded from the king himself, they 
sent Mr David Lindsay, Mr Robert Rollock, Mr James 
Nicholson, and James Melvill, to declare unto his majesty the 
great inconveniences that were like to arise upon this hard 
dealing with the Church, and humbly entreat a surcease of 
the process intended against Mr David Blake, and that all 
other controversies might be left off till some order was taken 
with the papists, and an assembly convocated for deciding 
these questions to his highness's content. The king answer- 
ed, " That it was not his fault, and that he was no less dis- 
pleased than they were with the controversies arisen ; and 
that yet if they would pass from the declinator, or declare 
at least that it was not a general, but only a particular de- 
clinator, used in the cause of Mr David Blake, as being a 
cause of slander, and pertaining to the judgment of the 
Church, he should also pass from the summons and cease his 

This yielding offer of the king was by the advice of the 
wiser sort thought good to be accepted, that there might be 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 19 

an end of contention ; " for if," said they, " we go to try our 
strength with the king, we shall be found too weak. As 
yet the court stands in some awe of the Church, and whilst 
they are in this conceit, it shall be meet to take the best 
conditions we can have ; for if by our strictness matters go 
to the worst, our weakness shall soon appear, and thereafter 
shall the Church be no more feared nor regarded ; too great 
stiffness doth seldom succeed well, and it is often seen, that 
they who will have all their wills, do lose all in the end." 
This was the reasoning of the wise and more moderate sort. 
Others flattering themselves in their preciseness held, " that 
the only way to prevail was to stand by their grounds ; the 
cause was God's, which he would maintain ; that worldly 
powers were not to be feared ; and that God had in his hand 
the hearts of princes to turn them whither he pleased, where- 
of in the present business they had seen a proof." The debate 
held long, and, in end, by most voices it was concluded that 
they should stand to the declinator, unless the king would 
pass from the summons, and, remitting the pursuit to the ec- 
clesiastical judge, make an act of council, that no minister 
should be charged for his preaching, at least before the 
meeting of the General Assembly. The king, perceiving his 
offer neglected, Avas in great wrath, and told them who were 
sent unto him, that he would hearken to no agreement unless 
they should pass simply from the declinator, and cause Mr 
Blake compear, and acknowledge the judicatory. Which 
being refused, the proclamation was published, the commis- 
sioners charged to depart forth of the town, and Mr Blake 
by a new summons cited to the last of November. 

The next day being Sunday, and the day of the princess's 
christening, the same was kept in the palace of Halyrudhouse 
with great joy and feasting. The English ambassador did 
name the Princess Elizabeth after the queen his mistress, the 
town of Edinburgh by the magistrates assisting as witnesses, 
such honour did the king unto them. But all that day in 
the town churches were bitter invectives made against the 
two proclamations ; for besides the charge given the commis- 
sioners to leave the town, by another proclamation the barons, 
gentlemen, and all other subjects were discharged to convene 
with the ministry, either in presbyteries or synods, or any 
other ecclesiastical meetings, under whatsoever colour or pre- 

20 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

tence, without his majesty's license. These things were 
mightily aggravated by the preachers, and the people ex- 
ceedingly stirred; at which the king more and more offending, 
he resolved to keep the diet assigned for Mr Blake's appear- 
ing in the council-house of Edinburgh, accompanied with his 
nobles that were present at the baptism. 

The commissioners advertised of this (for all that time 
some gentlemen of the chamber, in hatred of the Octavians, 
gave intelhgence of every thing that was intended), did form 
a petition to be presented to his majesty and the noblemen, 
consisting of three heads. '• First, they entreated the king, 
that seeing the decision of such thorny and intricate questions 
as were moved at that time to the trouble of the Church 
could work no good, and was subtilcly urged only to engender 
a dissension between hismajest}^ and the ministers, he would 
be pleased to remit the determination thereof to a lawful as- 
sembly, and not to encroach upon the limits of Christ's 
kingdom upon any pretence, bending his actions, according 
to the present necessity, against the common enemies of re- 
ligion and state. Next, they exhorted the noblemen to give 
his majesty a free and faithful counsel in that business ; and 
as to the honom* of God and their own just praise, they had 
kept themselves free both in counsel and action from work- 
ing any prejudice to the liberty of the gospel, so they would 
not suffer themselves to be drawn at that time under the 
guiltiness of so great a sin by the craft of those who w^ere 
subtilcly seeking the thraldom of the gospel, and thought to 
make their honours the executors of their malicious devices. 
And, thirdly, that by their credit they would procure a 
continuation of all controversies unto a free and lawful as- 
sembly, where the same might be gravely reasoned and 
concluded." This petition was given to Mr David Lindsay, 
Mr Robert Bruce, and Mr Robert Rollock, to be presented ; 
and if the same was refused, they were enjoined to protest 
against the proceeding of the council. 

The king receiving the petition, after he had overviewed 
it, did reject the same as not worthy of answer, commanding 
to call Mr Blake, and read the summons. Therein he was 
charged. First, to have aflSrraed in pulpit that the popish 
lords were returned into the country with his majesty's 
knowledge, and upon his assurance, and said that in so 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 21 

doing he had " detected the treachery of his heart." Secondly, 
that he had called all kings " the devil's bairns," adding that 
" the devil was in the court and in the guiders of it." Thirdly, 
that in his prayer for the queen he had used these words, 
*' We must pray for her for the fashion, but we have no cause, 
she will never do us good." Fourthly, that he had called 
the queen of England an atheist. Fifthly, that he had 
discussed a suspension granted by the lords of session in 
pulpit, and called them miscreants and bribers. Sixthly, that, 
speaking of the nobility, he said they were " degenerated, 
godless, dissemblers, and enemies to the Church." Likewise 
speaking of the council, that he had called them " holiglasses, 
cormorants, and men of no religion." Lastly, that he had 
convocated divers noblemen, barons, and others within St 
Andrews in the month of June 1594, caused them take arms, 
and divide themselves in troops of horse and foot, and had 
thereby usurped the power of the king and civil magistrate. 
After reading of the summons Mr Robert Pont pro- 
tested, that the process in hand and whatsoever followed 
thereof should not prejudge the liberty of the Church in 
matters of doctrine. The king answered, " That he was 
not to meddle with any matter of doctrine, but to censure 
the treasonable speeches of a minister in sermon, which he 
and his council would judge, except by clear scripture it 
should be proved that ministers were not subject in these 
cases to his judicatory." Thereafter Mr Blake being com- 
manded to answer, said, that all these accusations were false, 
and untrue calumnies, producing two testimonials, one of the 
provost, baiUes and council of St Andrews, the other of the 
rector, dean of faculty, professors, and regents of the uni- 
versity, which he alleged should be preferred to any report 
whatsoever. Next he said that, for the first six points, the 
lords of coimcil were not competent judges, the speeches 
alleged being uttered in pulpit, but the same ought to be 
censured by the presbytery where the sermon was de- 
livered. And then repeating his former declinator, presented 
a new one, in substance the same with the first. For the 
last point he made offer to submit himself to the trial of the 
king and council. Being removed, and the decUnator put to 
voices, it was found, " That the crimes and accusations con- 
tained in the summons were seditious and treasonable ; and 

22 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 159G. 

that his majesty, his council, and other judges substitute by 
his authority, were competent judges in all matters cither 
criminal or civil, as well to ministers as to other subjects." 
This pronounced, the witnesses were called and admitted, 
but their examination was delayed to the next day. 

After the council dissolved, the prior of Blantyre, treasurer, 
and Alexander Home, provost of Edinburgh, were sent from 
the king to show the ministers, that notwithstanding of that 
his proceeding against Mr Blake, he did not mean to use him 
with rigour, but if they should move him to come and resolve 
his majesty touching the truth of the points libelled, he would 
rest upon his own declaration, and send him back to his 
charge ; so careful was the king of peace, and so desirous 
to be in good terms with the Church. Night was then 
fallen, and the commissioners gone to their lodgings ; yet 
finding Mr Robert Bruce, Mr Robert Rollock, Mr James 
Nicholson, and Mr James Melvill together, they declared what 
they had in commission to declare to the whole number. 
Mr Robert Bruce answering in the name of the rest, said, 
" That if the matter did touch Mr Blake alone the offer 
might be accepted, but the liberty of Christ's kingdom had 
received such a wound, by the proclamations published the 
Saturday preceding, and that day by the usurpation of the 
spiritual judicatory, as if Mr Blake's life and the lives of 
twenty others had been taken it would not have grieved the 
hearts of good brethren so much as these injurious proceed- 
ings had done ; and that either these things behoved to 
be retreated, or they would oppose so long as they had 

This answer reported, the king the next morning calling 
some two or three of the ministers unto him, did confer with 
them a long space, showing that he was so far from impair- 
ing the spiritual jurisdiction or abridging any of the Church 
liberties, as he would not only maintain them in what they en- 
joyed, but would enlarge and amplify the same, when he saw 
it to be for their good ; " but this licentious discoursing," said 
he, "of affairs of state in pulpit cannot be tolerated. My claim 
is only to judge in matters of sedition and other civil and 
criminal causes, and of speeches that may import such crimes, 
wheresoever they be uttered ; for that the pulpit should be 
a place privileged, and, under colour of docti-inc, people 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH of Scotland. 23 

stirred to sedition, no good man I think will allow. If 
treason and sedition be crimes punishable when they are 
committed, much more if they be committed in the pulpit, 
where the word of truth should only be taught and heard." 
One of the ministers answering, that they did not plead for 
the privilege of the place, but for the respect that was due 
to the message and commission they carried, which having 
received of God, the same ought not to be controlled in any 
civil judicature. " Would you keep you to your message 
(said the king), there would be no strife ; but I trust your 
message is not to rule estates, and, when courses dislike you, 
to stir the people to sedition, and make your king and those 
that rule under him odious by your railings and outcries." 
" If any do so," said the minister, " and be tried to have passed 
the bounds, it is reason he be punished with all extremity ; 
but this must be cognosced by the Church." " And shall 
not I (said the king) have power to call and punish a 
minister that breaketh out in treasonable speeches, but must 
come to your presbytery and be a complainer? I have 
good proof in the process with Gibson and Ross, what 
justice you will do me: and were it in a doubtful and am- 
biguous case, where by any colour the speeches might be 
justified, it were some way favourable to say that the minister 
should be called and convict by his brethren ; but as in the 
present action with Mr Blake, who hath said, * The treachery 
of the king's heart is discovered ; all kings are the devil's 
bairns, &c.,' who sees not that the man hath passed his 
bounds, and not kept him to his message ? I am not ignor- 
ant what agitations France of late, and England in former 
times, hath suffered by the violence of such spirits, and I have 
been in my time reasonably exercised with them, and ye 
must not think that I will tolerate such licentiousness. As 
for any lawful power or liberty ye or your assemblies have 
granted either by the word of God or by the laws of the 
kingdom, I mean not to diminish the same ; and if ye think 
meet, I will publish so much by a declaration for satisfying 
you and all other my subjects," 

With this the ministers were dimitted, who having related 
the conference they had with his majesty to the rest of their 
brethren, it was agreed, in regard of the many inconveniences 
which might ensue upon these distractions betwixt his majesty 

24 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

and the Church, that if they could obtain a declaration in 
council that by the acts and proclamations published his 
majesty did not intend to discharge any church-assembly, nor 
to annul any conclusion thereof, but that the same should 
stand in force as they had been in use by the warrant of the 
word and approbation of his highness's laws, and that the 
discharse of barons and gentlemen to convene with the min- 
isters was not extended to any ecclesiastical conventions, but 
only meant of their convening in arras, matters should be 
passed over for the present ; the interlocutor in Mr Blake's 
business not being used against him nor any other minister, 
until a lawful General Assembly, wherein the question con- 
cerning the limits of the civil and the spiritual jurisdiction 
might be reasoned and defined. 

This being proponed, the king assented to the declaration 
craved, offering fi\rther to delete the acts whereupon the 
proclamations were founded. And for Mr Blake, he was 
content that he should be brought to his presence, and de- 
claring upon his conscience the truth of the points libelled, 
in the hearing of Mr David Lindsay, Mr James Nicholson, 
and INIr Thomas Buchanan, they three should have power 
to determine what they thought meet. The business was 
now thought to be at an end, but in the afternoon, by the 
suggestion, as it was supposed, of the president, the king- 
would have jNIr Blake to come before the council, and ac- 
knowledge his offence to the queen ; which done he should 
be pardoned of all. This Mr Blake refused, saying, " he 
would neither condemn himself, nor approve the proceedings 
of the council, who, having taken upon them to judge of liis 
sermons, had admitted a sort of ignorant and p.artially affected 
people to be witnesses against him, rejecting the testimonies 
of the town and university." When by no persuasion he 
could be moved unto it, the king went to council, and the 
same day, it being the second of December, caused read the 
deposition of the witnesses, who did clearly testify that all 
the speeches libelled were uttered by Mr Blake in pulpit. 
Thereupon sentence was given, that he had falsely slandered 
and treasonably calumniated the king's majesty, his bed-fel- 
low the queen, his neighbour princess the queen of England, 
the lords of his highness's council and session, and therefore 
(his punishment being remitted to the king) it was ordained. 


that till his majesty's pleasure should be declared, he should 
be confined beyond the north water, and enter to his ward 
within six days. 

Notwithstanding of this sentence the day following a new 
treaty began, which continued some ten days, and was like 
to have produced an agreement ; for the king was content, 
as before, to delete the acts of council at which the ministers 
took offence, by writing on the margin of the book accord- 
ing to the custom of deleting acts, " This matter is agreed, and 
the act delete." He was hkewise pleased to amend the nar- 
rative of the proclamation, turning that upon the papists and 
enemies of religion that was said of ministers ; and for Mr 
Blake's business, was content that the interlocutor pronounced 
should not be made a preparative against any other minister, 
and that none should be called upon their preaching before 
the council, till it was found in a lawful Assembly that the 
king might judge of those that passed their bounds in doc- 
trine ; providing he might in the mean time be assured of the 
good behaviour of the ministers, and that they should not 
speak unreverently of him or of his council, which assurance 
he would have in writing. Some punishment also he would 
have afflicted on Mr Blake, as either to transport him from 
St Andrews to another congregation, or suspend him for a 
time from his charge : punishments not very rigorous, nor 
answerable to the quality of the offence. 

The commissioners being herewith advised, liked well of all, 
the last excepted. " A punishment," they said, " could not 
be inflicted where no cognition had proceeded : for as to the 
trial taken, neither was it done by the proper judge, nor was 
that equity observed which ought to have been ; witnesses 
that were under the censures of the Church, and ill-affected 
to Mr Blake, being admitted to depone against him." This 
reported to the king, he made offer to name twenty persons 
against whom no exception could be alleged, and to give Mr 
Blake his choice of seven or eight of that number, who should 
be of new examined touching the verity of the speeches 
whereof he was accused : if they upon their consciences 
did absolve him, he should rest satisfied ; if otherwise, he 
would crave him to be deposed. But this came to no effect, 
nor could any overture, albeit divers were proponed, serve 
to work an accord, so as the communing brake off, and 

26 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

greater displeasures arose on both hands than before. For 
the commissioners having directed two of the brethren to 
show the king, " That since they could obtain no redress for 
the wrongs done unto Christ's kmgdom, and saw nothing 
but that the enemies of the truth were favoured, and the 
faithful pastors of the Church reviled and pursued, they 
could not abstain from opposing these proceedings with the 
spiritual armour given them by God ;" and did therefore in- 
dict a fast to be kept the Sunday following, being the twelfth 
day of December, with solemn prayers for averting the judg- 
ments which the present courses did threaten. 

The king, on the other side, made his displeasure and the 
scorn he took of these proceedings known by a declaration 
pubhshed on the fifteenth day, wherein he showed, " That 
out of a desire he had to keep peace with the ministers he 
did condescend to abstain from troubling them in any case 
bygone, until by a convention of the Estates, and a General 
Assembly of the ministry, the difference between the civil 
and ecclesiastical judgments might be removed ; providing 
they should promise not to disgrace him and his proceedings 
in their sermons, which he was in hope to obtain by sundry 
conferences and meetings that he had kept with some of them, 
till at last publicly they had opposed themselves in pulpit by 
approving the doings of Mr David Blake, accusing himself 
of persecution, and falsely suggesting to the people that all 
church assemblies were discharged ; whereas his resolution 
was and is to maintain religion and the Church discipline es- 
tablished by law, and to suffer nothing to be done in prejudice 
thereof by whomsoever. Which his highness thought good 
to make known to all his subjects, ordaining all ministers 
to subscribe their obedience to his majesty, and set their 
hands to the bonds which should be presented to them for 
that effect, under the pain of sequestering their rents and 
stipends, aye and while they gave the obedience required." 
The same day was Mr Blake charged to go unto his ward, 
and the commissioners of new commanded to remove them- 
selves forth of the town. 

How soon they were gone, the secretary Mr John Lindsay, 
thinking the ministers of Edinburgh would be more tractable 
being left to themselves, did move the king to send for them, 
and make a fresh proposition for settling these divisions. 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 27 

But they refusing to enter in any communing, except the 
commissioners were recalled by as public a proclamation as 
that whereby they were discharged, hope was given that 
the next day the same should be done, and all questions laid 
over unto their return ; which some of the king's chamber 
having understood, and fearing if matters were once accorded 
the Octavians (against whom they were chiefly set) should 
continue in their employment, among other reports they in- 
formed the king that a nightly watch was kept in Edinburgh 
about the ministers' houses for fear of some violence to be 
offered unto them, which laid a heavy imputation upon his 
majesty, and that the ministers would never be quiet till 
these factious people were put forth of the town. The ad- 
vice, as truly meant, was hearkened unto, and direction given 
to some twenty-four of the burgesses that were best affected 
to the ministers to depart the town within the space of six 
hours. This they knew woidd be ill taken by the ministers ; 
and, to put them in a greater fear, they did advertise them 
by a counterfeit letter to look unto themselves, because 
Huntly had been with the king that night late, and caused 
that charge to be given. This letter sent to Mr Robert 
Bruce was by him communicated to Mr Walter Balcanquel, 
whose course it was to preach that morning ; and they both, 
apprehending the information to be true, did think it the 
safest way for themselves to make the people advertised of 
the danger. So when the hour of sermon came, the preacher 
reading his text out of the book of Canticles, which was his 
ordinary at the time, and taking occasion to speak of the 
present troubles of the Church, he made a particular relation 
of the proceedings and treacherous forms (so he called them) 
wherewith they were used by the court, laying the whole 
blame upon the president, controller, and advocate, whom he 
particularly named, and used with most reproachful terms. 
Then turning to the noblemen and barons, he put them in 
mind of the zeal which their predecessors had showed in 
planting religion, and exhorted them with the like courage 
and constancy to maintain the same. Having closed the 
sermon with a prayer, as use is, he requested the noblemen 
and barons to meet in the Little Church for assisting the min- 
istry with their best advice. 

28 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

There assembled in the place many people besides those 
that were desired, and so great was the throng as the minis- 
ters could hardly find entrance. Mr Robert Bruce at last 
having made way unto himself, went to the table where the 
noblemen and barons were placed, and after a short prayer 
declared in what danger the Church was brought by the re- 
turn of the popish lords ; how they had regrated the case 
to the king, and when they expected that order should have 
been taken therewith, a new business was moved, and one 
of their brethren called in question for his preaching, about 
which they had been in a long conference, but could come to 
no end ; and that now at last the best affected of their people 
were charged to leave the town, whereby they were brought 
to suspect some worse practices. They did therefore request 
them humbly to intercede and entreat his majesty that they 
might be permitted to serve God in their callings without 
molestation. The desire seeming reasonable, the Lords 
Lindsay and Forbes, with the lairds of Bargenny and 
Buchan, Mr Robert Bruce, and Mr William Watson were 
chosen to prefer the petition. 

By some occasion the king was that day come to the ses- 
sion, and being in the upper house, the lords with these 
others were admitted ; where Mr Robert Bruce taking the 
speech said, " That they were sent by the noblemen and 
barons convened in the Little Church, to bemoan the dangers 
threatened to religion by the dealing that was against the 
ministers and true professors." " What dangers see you?" 
said the king. " Under communing," said he ; " our best af- 
fected people, that tender religion, are charged off the town ; 
the Lady Huutly, a professed papist, entertained at court, 
and it is suspected that her husband is not far off." The 
king leaving that purpose, asked " who they were that durst 
convene against his proclamations?" The Lord Lindsay in 
passion replied, " That they durst do more than so, and that 
they would not suffer religion to be overthrown." Numbers 
of people were at this time thronging unmannerly into the 
room ; whereupon the king not making any answer arose, 
and went down to the lower house where the judges do sit, 
commanding the doors to be shut. They that were sent re- 
turning to the church show that they were not heard, nor 
was there any hope, so long as the counsellors remained 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 29 

about the king, that they should receive any favourable 
answer, and were therefore to think of some other course. 

" No course," said the Lord Lindsay, " but one; let us stay 
together that are here, and promise to take one part, and 
advertise our friends and the favourers of rehgion to come 
unto us ; so it shall be either theirs or ours." Upon these 
speeches followed such a clamour and lifting up of hands, as 
none could hear Avhat another spake. The sedition increas- 
ing, some cried to arm, others to bring out Haman (for 
whilst the lords were with the king, Mr Michael Cranston, 
minister of Cramond, had been reading to the people that 
story) ; others cried, " The sword of the Lord and of Gideon :" 
and so great was the fury of the people, as if one of the 
deacons of crafts, called John Watt, had not kept them back 
with a guard of craftsmen that followed him, they had un- 
doubtedly forced the doors, and wrought some mischief. 
Sir Alexander Home, provost of the town, was then lying 
sick ; yet being told what a tumult was raised, he came to 
the street, and, as he was wise and skilful in the handling of 
people, with his fair speeches brought them after a little time 
to lay down their weapons and retire to their lodgings. 

The commotion thus raised, the king directed the earl of 
Mar, the Lord Pittenweem, and the laird of Traquair to 
confer with the ministers, and ask the cause of the tumult. 
They were then walking at the back of the church (for the 
tumult had scattered the meeting) ; and professing a great 
dislike of that which had happened, besought the noblemen 
to show the king that they were not in fault, and had done 
their best to appease the multitude. The cause, they said, 
to their conjecture was, that his majesty refused to hear 
their petition, which they knew came not of himself, but of 
others. The earl of Mar replied, that any reasonable 
petition would be heard and answered, being preferred in a 
dutiful manner ; wherefore they should do wisely to go 
together and supplicate his majesty for remedy of these 
things wherein they were grieved. Whereupon they re- 
turned to the Little Church, and after a short deliberation 
sent the Lord Forbes, the laird of Bargenny, and Mr Robert 
Rollock with these petitions. " First, That all which had 
been done in prejudice of the Church the last four or five 
weeks might be rescinded. Next, That in the things which 

30 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

concerned the Church, the president, controller, and advocate 
should have no voice, as being suspected in religion, and 
opposite enemies to the Church. Thirdly, That the citizens 
of Edinburgh who were charged to leave the town might 
be permitted to stay at home, upon surety to appear when- 
soever they were called." The king answering very calmly, 
said, " That his doings had been greatly mistaken by the 
ministers ; and that as these controversies were moved 
against his will, so he wished nothing more than to have 
them quietly settled. But that it could not stand with his 
honour to rescind so hastily the conclusions taken in council, 
nor to remove councillors from their places upon naked 
suspicions, except somewhat could be verified that might 
disable them. At afternoon he should call the council, and sat- 
isfy them in every thing which with reason they could desire. 
For the citizens, he said, that the supplication made in their 
behalf would come better from the provost and baihes of the 
town, and the same upon their petition should be granted." 
With these answers the Lord Forbes and the rest returned ; 
and with them the Lord Ochiltrie and laird of Cessford were 
sent by the king to desire them to put their petitions in 
reasonable terms, and await on the council at two of the 
clock. Matters thus quieted, the king with the lords went 
down the street peaceably to his palace. 

At afternoon the noblemen and barons assembling with the 
ministry, after long reasoning, did condescend upon the sup- 
pUcation and articles following : 

" In most humble manner, we, the noblemen, barons, 
gentlemen, burgesses, and ministers, this day by the mercy 
of God convened, do beseech your majesty to apprehend the 
great danger wherein the state of religion, commonwealth, 
and your majesty's own honour and person are brought by 
the means of crafty and deceitful councillors, who respecting 
only their own preferment and standing, labour to sile your 
majesty's eyes, that you should not perceive their courses : 
for albeit it hath pleased God to endue your majesty with 
knowledge, wisdom, and graces, beyond all the princes that 
have ruled this kingdom at any time, yet it is no strange 
thing to behold good kings brought upon ill courses by the 
devices of such as pretend love, but in very deed hate them 
maliciously. That such courses are now in hand ; please 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 31 

your majesty to consider what a division is made and enter- 
tained between your majesty and the Church, who were 
ever to this time inseparably joined ; and how under 
coloured pretexts the liberty of preaching, and faithful apply- 
ing of the word, is sought to be restrained and taken away, 
which cannot but bring many evils and inconveniences with 
it, as this day's tumult may partly teach. And now seeing, 
blessed be God, the same is settled without the harm of any 
person, for preventing the like, or worse, we humbly desire 
the articles following to be weighed and considered by your 
majesty : 

"1. That professed papists, processed by the Church, be 
not suffered to reside at court ; and that the Lady Huntly 
and Lord Sanquhar be removed and sent home. 

" 2. That Alexander Seaton, president, Mr Thomas 
Hamilton, advocate, and Mr James Elphingston, be not 
admitted to sit in council, at least when the cause of religion 
and matters of the Church are treated ; seeing they are 
enemies to the quietness thereof, and have by then' devices 
I'uised the troubles that presently do vex the same. 

" 3. That the acts of council, proclamations, decreets, and 
interlocutors passed in prejudice of the Church and ministers 
these last five weeks, be rescinded and annulled. 

" 4. That the commissioners of the Church be recalled by 
proclamation, and the burgesses of the town permitted to re- 
main and attend tlieu' callings. 

" 5. That the bond advised by the foresaid enemies to be 
subscribed by all the ministers, under the pain of losing their 
benefices and stipends, be discharged, seeing the same is pre- 
judicial to the liberties of the gospel, and that commission be 
given, as use is, to modify stipends, for the present year. 

" Lastly, That an act of council be made, allowing the pro- 
ceedings of the Church, and the concurrency given them by 
the noblemen, barons, and others in the present action." 

It was late and the night fallen before these articles were 
put in form, the day being then at the shortest ; the persons 
chosen to present them were the lairds of Bargenny, Pitt- 
arrow, Faldonside, Mr David Lindsay, and Mr Robert 
RoUock. Before their coming the council had concluded not 
to receive the petitions, as was promised, and to commit those 
that did present them ; yet doubtful what might be the event 

32 THE HISTOKY Ol' THE [a. D. 1596. 

thereof, it was thought fitter to terrify them from presenting 
the same. For this cfiect the Lord Ochiltrie was appointed 
to meet them at the outer gate, who drawing Bargenny aside 
advised him to go back, because of the anger which the king 
had conceived, and to meddle no more in that business ; for 
the king, he said, knew ho was brought upon it unwillingly, 
and would excuse his part, if he went no farther. Bargenny, 
forethinking his employment, and not knowing how to colour 
it to his associates, the Lord Ochiltrie drew them aside, and 
said that he had brought the laird of Bargenny to the town 
for affairs that did nearly touch him, and that he did not 
think to meet with such business at his coming, therefore de- 
sired them to have his friend excused for that time ; and 
seeing they were a number sufficient to do the errand, they 
might go to it, or, if they pleased to delay the same to the 
next morrow, he should be with them. They ansAvered, 
that they were also little foreseen at their coming of those 
matters as he was, and seeing they were all joined in one 
commission, if he who was the principal did decline it, they 
could do nothing by themselves ; and so the business was left 
for that night. 

In the morning early the king and council departed to 
Linlithgow, leaving a proclamation, which was presently 
published at the market-cross of Edinburgh, of this tenor : 
" That the king, considering the late treasonable uproar 
moved by certain factious persons of the ministry of Edin- 
burgh, (who after they had uttered most seditious speeches in 
pulpit, did convene a number of noblemen, barons, and others 
in the Little Church, and sent some of their number to his 
majesty, being then in the upper house of session, using him 
in a most irreverent manner, and with speeches ill-beseeming 
any subject ; and tliat a multitude of the townsmen by per- 
suasion of the said ministry had treasonably put themselves 
in arms, intending to bereave his majesty and his council of 
their lives), did think the said town an unfit place for the mi- 
nistration of justice, and had therefore ordained the lords of 
session, the sheriffs, commissars, and justice, with their several 
members and deputies, to remove themselves forth of the 
town of Edinburgh, and be in readiness to repair unto such 
places as should be appointed ; commanding in like sort all 
noblemen and barons to despatch unto their houses, and not 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 33 

to presume to convene either in that or any other place 
Avithout his majesty's license, under the pain of his highest 

This proclamation, with the king his sudden departing, 
wrought a great alteration in the minds of the people. They 
began then to see their error, and looked heavy one upon 
another. The better sort being in a great perplexity what 
they should do, called their council together, but could not 
resolve what course to take. To follow the king and plead 
for the town, they could not think any of them would be ac- 
cepted (and it being the last day of the week, hardly would 
any others undertake the employment) ; so as they saw no 
way but to be quiet till they heard what the king and 
council concluded to do. But the ministers persisting in their 
first resolution laboured to have the noblemen and barons 
remain together, and to send for others well affected in re- 
ligion, who, as they thought, would join in the cause. A 
bond to this effect was drawn up, and subscribed by some 
few. The council of the town excused themselves, saying, 
" Their good will was known, and that they were not to 
leave their dwellings ;" which m.ade divers keep back their 
hands. Always it was thought meet that the ministers should 
write to the Lord Hamilton and the laird of Buccleuch, of 
whose assistance they held themselves assured, entreating 
them to repair to the town and countenance the cause ; as 
likewise that the rest of the ministers in the country should 
be convened as unto a General Assembly, and desired to bring 
with them the best affected gentlemen within their parishes. 

They were at the same time in a long deliberation, 
whether or not they should excommunicate the Lord Presi- 
dent and Advocate, which divers urged. The Controller was 
in some better opinion with them, by reason of a message 
sent quietly to Mr Robert Bruce. But in end they resolved 
to continue that business to the meeting of the Assembly, 
when the sentence might be pronounced with greater au- 
thority. Meanwhile, to keep the people in a good disposition, 
a fast was proclaimed through the city, and sermons of pre- 
paration ordained to be made that afternoon in all the 

A minister named Mr John Welch, making offer to supply 
the place in the High Church, was allowed to preach, who 

VOL, III. 3 

34 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

taking for his theme the epistle sent to the angel of the 
church of Ephesus, did rail pitifully against the king, saying, 
" He was possessed with a devil : that one devil being put 
out seven worse were entered in place ; and that the subjects 
might lawfully rise, and take the sword out of his hand :" 
which he confirmed by the example of a father that falling in 
a frenzy might be taken by the children and servants of the 
family, and tied hand and foot from doing violence. A most 
execrable doctrine and directly repugnant to holy scriptures ; 
which yet was taken by many of the hearers as a sound and 
free application. So ready are men to flatter themselves in 
wickedness, and even to justify impiety itself. A rumour 
was then also dispersed throughout the town, that in the day 
of tumult the earl of Erroll did come to the Queensferry 
with five hundred horse, and was gone back upon report of 
the stir. This upon the Sunday took up a great part of the 
ministers' sermons, and was brought to justify the multitude's 
proceedings, as though they had been directed by a secret 
providence to disappoint the wicked practices that were in 
hand. A manifest forgery it was, yet believed at the time 
by foohsh and credulous people. 

The messenger sent to the Lord Hamilton was at his 
coming well received. At first the nobleman made a show 
that he would go for Edinburgh ; but upon better advice he 
turned to Linlithgow, and taking the copy of the letter that 
was sent unto him (for he rendered the principal to the 
bearer), he showed the king what an invitation he had from 
those at Edinburgh. The king at sight of the letter grew 
exceeding angry, for therein, after a short narrative of the 
injuries the Church had received by the malice of some 
counsellors, it was said, " That the people animated by the 
word and motion of God's Spirit had gone to arms, and that 
the godly barons and other gentlemen that were in town had 
convened themselves, and taken on them the patrociny of the 
Church and her cause, only they lacked a head and special 
noblemen to countenance the matter ; and since with one 
consent they had made choice of his lordship, their desire 
was that he should come to Edinburgh with all convenient 
diligence, and utter his affection to the good cause, accepting 
the honour which was offered untahim." 

This letter, indited by Mr Robert Bruce, and subscribed 

A. T). 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 35 

by him and Mr Walter Balcanquel, was of all that yet had 
happened the worst, nor could it receive any good construc- 
tion ; for albeit in an apology afterwards set forth it was said 
to be penned only to please the nobleman, who was of an 
ambitious humour, yet put the case he had accepted, and 
taken upon him to be their head, as he was desired, who can 
tell what mischief might have ensued, and if it might not 
have turned to the wreck and ruin of many innocents ? But 
faults follow one upon another, and when men have once 
passed bounds they run easily into error. 

On Monday early a charge was directed to the provost 
and baihes for imprisoning the ministers ; but they upon 
some advertisement fled, and went to Newcastle in England. 
The town the same day sent John Arnot, Hugh Brown, 
George Heriot, and John Watt, to purge themselves of the 
tumult, and offer their obedience in every thing his majesty 
and council should be pleased to enjoin for repairing the in- 
dignity and dishonour done to his highness ; providing they 
should not be thought guilty of the crime, which from their 
hearts they detested. But the king would receive no pur- 
gation, saying, " That fair and humble words could not ex- 
cuse such a fault, and that he should come ere it were long, 
and let them know he was their king." The next day in 
council the tumult was declared to be treason, and the coun- 
cillors, executors, and partakers to be traitors, as likewise 
all that should thereafter partake and assist the committers 

This put the town in a great fear, neither did they expect 
any other than an ntter ruin. All the judicatories were re- 
moved to Lcith ; the .Session ordained to sit at Perth after 
the first of February ; their ministers were fled, the magis- 
trates not regarded, and those of greatest power about the 
king, their enemies ; what they should do they were doubtful. 
After divers opinions given, they are resolved that some 
should be sent who would be more acceptable, to supplicate 
the king, and excuse the town's part, for that perhaps would 
be taken better at other men's hands than any of their own. 
To this errand none was held so fit as Mr David Lindsay, 
Mr John Preston, and Mr John Sharp, men in favour with 
the king, and free of all faction. 

Tliese coming to the king at Linlithgow, after they had 

36 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

showed the miserable estate of the town, and how grieved all 
honest men were for the displeasure he had conceived against 
them, did beseech him not to use the extremity of rigour, but 
to put a difference between the innocent and guilty. " In 
great towns, such as that was (they said), there would ever 
be some bad spirits ; and if the insolencies of a rascal multi- 
tude should be imputed to the town, it would be thought hard, 
specially since the magistrates had done their duties and re- 
pressed the tumult. If on their part there had been any 
connivance, or the smallest appearance that they did favour 
the sedition, they protested that they would not once have 
opened their mouths in their favour ; but since it was known 
that none were more offended with the tumult than they, 
and that they were careful to find out the authors and pre- 
sent them to punishment, they could not but humbly entreat 
his majesty to relent his wrath, and to be mitigated towards 
the town." 

The king after a httle pause answered, " That he could 
not think the town to be free ; for, if some of the principals 
had not approved the multitude in their doings, the tumult 
could not have been so great ; but howsoever the magistrates' 
negligence could not be excused, in so far as they did not 
prevent the disorder, always his resolution was to proceed 
by form of law, and not to use any violent course ; he had 
appointed the Estates to meet in the same place where the 
dishonour was done unto him, and would follow their advice 
both in the trial and punishment." With this answer they 
were dimitted. 

The last of December, which was the day preceding the 
convention, the king came to Leith, and stayed there all 
night, giving order for his entry into the town the next 
morning, which was in this manner. The keys of the town 
being delivered to one of the king's officers, a guard of armed 
men was placed in the streets, the citizens being commanded 
to stay within their houses, and forbidden to carry any wea- 
pon. The earl of Mar with the Lords Seaton and Ochiltrie 
had the charge of the town given them, without the admis- 
sion of the magistrates ; and they having disposed all things 
in the best fashion, the king accompanied with a great train 
of nobles entered the town, and riding up the street lighted 
at the Tolbooth, where the Estates were appointed to meet. 

A, D, 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 37 

After some general discourses of the tumult, the king was 
advised to call the magistrates, and hear wliat they could 
say in behalf of the town. 

Sir Alexander Home of North Berwick, provost, Roger 
Macnaught, George Todrick, Patrick Cochran, and Alex- 
ander Hunter, bailies, with a number of the town council, 
compearing and falling on their knees, after some few words 
delivered by the provost, did present in writing the offers 
following : — 

" That for pacifying his majesty's wrath, and satisfying 
the lords of council, they should upon their great oath purge 
themselves of all foreknowledge and partaking in that sedi- 
tious tumult. And as already they had made a diligent 
search to find out the authors, so they should not cease till 
they had brought the trial unto the uttermost point ; or if his 
majesty and council did think any others more fit to take the 
examination, they should wilHngly resign their places to 
such as his highness would appoint, and assist them at their 
power. And because his majesty had taken that tumult to 
proceed from certain sermons preached by their ministers, 
who were now denounced rebels, they should promise never 
to readmit any of those ministers, unless his majesty did 
command otherwise. As also, that the like should not fall 
out thereafter, the town should be obliged never to receive 
any minister in time coming but by his majesty's advice and 
approbation. And in the election of their magistrates they 
should yearly present their lites to his majesty and the lords 
of session, to be allowed or disallowed at their pleasure, and 
propone such others as his majesty should think more apt 
and sufficient for the charge, and to that effect should alter 
the time of their election, and make the same on some day of 
November, when the lords of session were convened and 
might give their advice thereto. They did lastly offer to 
fulfil whatsoever his majesty and council should think fit to 
be done in the premises, under protestation that they did not 
take upon them the crime, and that it should not be thought 
to have been committed of their foreknowledge." 

Thus it proved true which Tacitus saith, " that all con- 
spiracies of the subjects, if they succeed not, advance the 
sovereignty ;" for by this tumult was the king's authority in 

38 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

matters ecclesiastical so far advanced, as he received little or 
no opposition thereafter. 

The offers of the town, howbeit made in great submission, 
were not accepted, and counsel given by some noblemen to 
raze the town, and erect a pillar in place thereof, for a monu- 
ment of the insolency committed, and the just punishment 
taken thereof. Others were more mild in their opinions ; 
but for that time nothing was concluded. 

The queen of England upon notice sent to her of these 
broils did write to the king a letter, which (for the wise and 
loving advice it contained) I thought meet here to insert. 

"My dear Brother, — If a rare accident and ill- welcomed 
news had not broken my long silence, I had not used now my 
pen-speech, as being [too ?] careful of your quiet, and mindful 
of your safety, to omit the expressing of both, by letting you 
know how untimely I take this new begun frenzy, that 
may urge you to take such a course, as may bring into 
opinion the verifying of such a scandal as ye avowed to me 
to be far from your thought. In this sort 1 mean it ; some 
members of the Church with their companies have over auda- 
ciously emboldened themselves to redress some injurious acts 
that they feared might overthrow their profession, which 
though I grant no king for the manner ought to bear with, 
yet at the instant when the new banished lords returned, and 
they seen to be winked at without restraint, and the spring- 
time going on, when promised succour is attended, together 
with many letters from Rome and elsewhere sent abroad, to 
tell the names of men authorized by you, as they say (though 
I hope falsely), to assure your conformity, as time may serve 
you, to estabhsh the dangerous party, and fail your own. I 
wail in unfeigned sort, that any just cause should be given 
you to call in doubt so disguised acts, and hope that you will 
so try this cause as that it harm not you, though it ruin 

" Of this you may be sure, that if you make your strength 
of so sandy a foundation, as to call to your aid such as bo not 
of your flock, whenas the one side be foolish, rash, head- 
strong, and brainsick, yet such as may defend you, liaving no 
sure anchorage for themselves, if you fail them ; and the 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 39 

others, who have other props to sustain them, though they 
lack you, yea such as though your private love to their per- 
sons may inveigle your eyes, not to pierce in the depth of 
their treason, yet it is well known that their many petitions 
for foreign aid might have tended to your peril, and your 
country's wreck ; for seldom comes a stranger to a weaker 
Ejoil that thralleth not the possessor, or endangereth him at 
least. I trust you think no less, or else they must justify 
themselves to condemn you, for without your displeasure, not 
feared for such a fact, no answer can shield them from blame. 
Now to- utter my folly in seeming busy in another's aifairs, I 
suppose you will not mislike, since the source of all is care of 
your good, to desire that nought be done that may embolden 
the enemy, decrease your love, and endanger your surety. 
This is in sum the line whereto I tend, and God I beseech to 
direct your heart in such sort, as ye please not your worst 
subjects, but make all know in a measure what is fit for 
them, and make difference between error and malice. So 
God bless you with a true thought of her that means you 

" Your most affectionate sister, 

" Elizabeth R." 

This letter was to the king's mind ; for albeit he judged 
the offence great, yet it was not his purpose to use rigour, 
but to assure the obedience of the subjects in time coming, 
and make his own advantage of their disorders. Therefore 
in the next meeting which was kept at Halyrudhouse, the 
tumult being of new declared to be treason by the Estates, 
no farther was done, but a conclusion taken to pursue the 
town criminally before the justice ; and to charge the pro- 
vost, bailies, council, and deacons of crafts, as representing 
the whole body of the town, to enter their persons within the 
town of Perth before the first of February, and there to keep 
ward till they should be cleared, or found guilty of the 

In this convention the Octavians not according well 
amongst themselves (for the prior of Blantyre did keep a 
course with the gentlemen of the chamber, and underhand 
informed the ministry of the ill affection that the President 
and Advocate carried unto them), gave over their commission 

40 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

of exchequer in his majesty's hands. They pretended the 
many burdens uhich they sustained otherwise, their services 
in council and session, with the charge of the queen's rent 
and hving ; but the true cause was, the mahce and envy car- 
ried unto them for the credit and place they had with the 
king, which their service had well deserved ; for never were 
the rents of the crown so tliriftily and so rightly used as iu 
that short time of their employment. But the king loved to 
have peace though with his own loss, neither did they like 
to be the instruments of his trouble. 

A little before these stirs wuth the Church, Captain James 
Stewart (who had been sometimes chancellor, and carried the 
title of the earl of Arran) was killed by James Douglas of 
Torthorwald. This man after he was put from court had 
lived obscure in the north parts, and was entertained by the 
Lady Salton his sister-in-law. Being in some hope to come 
again by the office of chancellary, as yet void by the death 
of the Lord Thirlstane, he came south, and had a long con- 
ference with the king, which did greatly encourage him ; but 
till matters might be better prepared, he took purpose to 
visit his friends in Kyle. Taking his journey by Symington 
nigh unto Douglas, he was advised by his friends in those 
parts to look to himself, and not ride so openly, because of 
Torthorwald that lived not far off, whose uncle he had fol- 
lowed (as they spake) to the death. His reply (as he was a 
man proud and disdainful) that he would not leave his way 
for him, nor for all the name of Douglas, being overheard by 
a fellow, and reported to Torthorwald, did so inflame him, the 
old ulcer remaining uncured, as he avouched to have his life 
at all hazards. So getting intelligence that he had taken 
horse, he made after him with three of his servants, and 
overtaking him in a valley called Catslack, after he had 
stricken him from his horse, did kill him without any re- 
sistance. It is said that when Captain James saw the horse- 
men following, he did ask how they called the piece of ground 
on which they Avere, and Avhen he heai'd the name of it, ho 
commanded the company to ride more quickly, as having 
gotten a response to beware of such a part. He was a man 
full of violence, and when he was in place of rule executed it 
with much cruelty, which was now paid home in the end. 

The king, who had longed to see a decent order established 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH of Scotland. 41 

in the Church, such as agreed with the word of God, the 
allowable custom of the primitive times, and with the laws of 
the country, did think this a fit time to effectuate his purpose, 
and thereupon resolved to call a national Assembly to meet at 
Perth the last of February, for treating and determining the 
bounds and exercise of the spiritual jurisdiction ; and to the 
end that all might come the better prepared, and be duly ad- 
vised with the matters then to be entreated, he caused some 
articles to be drawn up and imprinted with a preface, where- 
in he took God the searcher of all hearts to record, that his 
intention was not to trouble the peace of the Church by 
thorny questions, nor yet to claim to himself any tyrannical 
or unlawful government over the same, but only to have these 
doubts solved, wliich might either in his time or in the time 
of his successors engender debate ; and to have the policy of 
the Church so cleared, as all corruptions being removed, a 
pleasant harmony might be settled betwixt him and the 
ministry to the P'lory of Almighty God, the content of all 
good men, and terror of the wicked. 

The articles were fifty-five in number, and drawn up in 
form of questions, as foUoweth : — 

1. May not the matters of external gubernation of the 
Church be disputed, salva fide et religione ? 

2. Is it the king severally, or the pastors severally, or both 
conjunctly, that should estabhsh the acts concerning the 
gubernation of the Church ? or what is the form of their 
conjunction in the making of laws ? 

3. Is not the consent of the most part of the flock, and also 
of the patron, necessary in the election of pastors. 

4. Is it lawful for the pastor to leave his flock against their 
wills, albeit he have the consent of the presbytery ? and 
for what cause should the presbytery consent thereto ? 

5. Is it lawful for a minister to use farther application than 
that which may edify his own flock ? or is the whole world 
the flock of every particular pastor ? 

6. Is he a lawful pastor who wants impositionem manuum ? 

7. Is it lawful to pastors to express in particular the names 
of councillors, magistrates, or others whatsoever iu pulpit, 
or so lively to describe them that the people may under- 

42 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

stand whom they mean, without notorious declared vices, 
and private admonitions, preceding ? 

8. For what vices should admonitions and reproving of 
magistrates pass publicly from pulpits, in their absence or 
presence, respective ? 

9. Is the application of docti'ine in pulpits lawful which is 
founded upon informations, bruits, and rumours, suspicions 
and conditions, if this be or that be, probabilities, likeh- 
ness or unlikeliness of things to come in civil matters, 
which all may be false, and consequently the doctrine 
following thereupon ; or should all apphcations be grounded 
upon the verity of known and notorious vices ? 

10. Is the text which is read in pulpit the ground where- 
upon all the doctrine should be built ? or may all things 
be spoken upon all texts, so that the reading thereof is 
but a ceremony ? 

11. May a simple pastor exercise any jurisdiction, without 
consent of the most part of his particular session ? 

12. Is his session judge to his doctrine 1 

13. Should not the moderator of the session be chosen yearly 
of any who hath voice therein ? 

14. May the session be elected lawfully by ministers only, 
without the consent of the whole congregation ? 

15. Why should not elders and deacons of particular sessions 
be elected ad vitam ? 

16. How many presbyteries are meet to be in the whole 
country, in what places, and how many pastors of churches 
in every presbytery ? 

17. Should not the elders and deacons of every particular 
session have voice in presbyteries, or the pastors only ? 

18. What are the matters belonging to the jurisdiction of 
the presbytery, which may not be entreated in particular 
sessions ? 

19. What form of process in libelling and citatioUj Avhat 
terms and diets, and what probations should be used 
before the said particular sessions and presbyteries re- 
spective ? 

20. What matters should the synodal assemblies treat upon, 
which may not be decided in presbyteries ? 

21. Should not all who have voice in presbyteries and 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH or SCOTLAND. 43 

in the particular sessions, have voice in the synodal 
assemblies ? 

22. Should each university or college, or every master or 
regent within colleges, have voice in presbyteries and 
synods, in the towns and countries where they are ? as 
likewise wliat form of voice should they have in General 
Assemblies ? 

23. Is it lawful to convocate the General Assembly without 
his majesty's license, he being pius et Christianus magis- 
tratus ? 

24. Is it necessary that the General Assembly should be 
ordinarily or extraordinarily convened for weighty causes 
concerning the whole Church ? 

25. Have not all men of good religion and learning voice in 
the General Assembly ? 

26. Is every particular pastor obliged to repair to the Gene- 
ral Assembly ? or is it sufficient that only commissioners 
come from every particular session, presbytery, or synod ? 

27. Who should choose the commissioners to come from 
every shire to give voice in the General Assembly ? 

28. What is the number of those that give voices, which is 
necessary to the lawfulness of a General Assembly ? and 
how many of the number should be pastors, and how many 
other men ? 

29. May any thing be enacted in the Assembly to which his 
majesty consents not ? 

30. Is it expedient that the two part of them who have jus 
suffragii should consent to any things decerned in ecclesi- 
astic judgments, that matters pass not by one voice more 
or less ? 

31. Hath not every judgment, inferior to the General 
Assembly, a territory limited, without the which they 
have no power of citation or jurisdiction 1 

32. What is the ordinary ecclesiastic judgment for his 
majesty's household and council, removable with his 
majesty to any part of the realm ? 

33. Should there be libelled precepts containing the cause 
of the citation and certification of the censures before all 
ecclesiastic judgments? or should they answer super 
inquirendis '^ 

34. Have the inferior judgments power to summon any to 

44 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

compear before the superior ? or should men be summoned 
only by the authority of that judgment before which they 
ought to compear ? 

35. Is it not necessary that private admonitions, with reason- 
able intervals of time, pass before all manner of citations ? 

36. What interval of time is necessary between every pri- 
vate admonition and between the first citation, and the day 
of compearance, and betwixt the citation and the last ad- 
monition, in every one of the said judgments ? 

37. How many citations should infer contumacy ? 

38. Is simple contumacy without probation of a crime, or is 
any crime without contumacy, a sufficient cause of ex- 
communication ? 

39. Are there not divers kinds of censures, such as prohibitio 
privati convictus, interdictio a coena, not published to the 
people ; and last of all, publica traditio satance ? 

40. Should the presbyteries be judges of all things that im- 
port slander ? and if so be, whereof are they not judges ? 

41. Can excommunication be used against thieves, murderers, 
usurers, and not payers of their debts ? and if so it may 
be, why are not the highland and border thieves cursed, 
as also all the forswearing merchants and usurers amongst 
the burghs ? 

42. Is there any appellation from the inferior to the superior 
judgment? and is not the sentence suspended during the 
appellation ? 

43. Should not all processes and acts be extracted to parties 
having interests ? 

44. Is summary excommunication lawful in any case without 
admonition and citation preceding ? 

45. Have any others but pastors voice in excommunication ? 

46. Hath every ecclesiastical judgment a like power to 
excommunicate ? 

47. Is it lawful to excommunicate such papists as never pro- 
fessed our religion ? 

48. A woman being excommunicated, having a faithful hus- 
band, should he thereafter abstain from her company ? 

49. Is it not reasonable that before any letters of horning be 
granted by the session upon the process of excom- 
munication, that the party should be cited to liear them 
granted ? 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 45 

50. Hath not a Christian king power to annul a notorious 
unjust sentence of excommunication ? 

51. May any council or university be excommunicated ? for 
what cause, by Avhom, and the manner thereof? 

52. When the pastors do not their duties, or when one 
jurisdiction usurpeth upon another, or any other schism 
falleth out, should not a Christian king amend such 
disorders ? 

53. May fasts, for general causes, be proclaimed without a 
Christian king's command ? 

54. May any ecclesiastical judgment compel a man to swear 
in suam turpitudi7iem ? 

hb. Should there any thing be entreated in the ecclesiastical 
judgment prejudicial to the civil jurisdiction or private 
men's i-ights ? and may not the civil magistrates stay all 
such proceedings ? 

How soon these questions were divulged, and that it was 
seen they all touched upon the abuses crept into the disci- 
pline, the ministers that stood affected to the present order 
were much perplexed; neither did any thing more offend 
them, than that the government should be brought in dispute 
which they had given out always to be a part of the gospel. 
This at any hand they thought was to be prevented ; and 
many private conferences were kept to this purpose. Neither 
did the king neglect to provide himself of a party against 
that meeting ; and thinking he should gain most easily the 
ministers in the north parts, he employed Sir Patrick 
Murray, gentleman of his chamber, to deal with them, giv- 
ing him direction first to show what a slander the ministers 
of Edinburgh had brought upon religion by the stirring up 
of the late uproar, and the inciting of the Lord Hamilton 
and others of the nobility to open rebellion against him ; 
how for the same they were become fugitives, and denounced 
his majesty's rebels ; and thereupon to desire them by some 
public act or declaration to utter their dishke of those sedi- 
tious and treasonable courses. 

He was next desired to urge their subscription to the 
bond, which was appointed to be subscribed by the ministers 
for acknowledging his majesty's royal power above them in 
all causes of sedition, treason, and other civil and criminal 

46 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 159G. 

matters, and in all speeches uttered by them in pulpits, 
schools, or otherwise, which might import the said crimes, or 
any of them. 

Thirdly, to require them to accept the earl of Huntly 
his offers for satisfying the Church, and to absolve him from 
his excommunication, they finding his offers reasonable ; 
seeing the bosom of the Church ought always to be open to 
penitents, and that they should be more ready to receive 
than to cast out : wherefore as the presbytery of St Andrews, 
to the which he was not subject, had pronounced him ex- 
communicate, they, under whose jurisdiction he hved, might 
and ought with better reason declare him absolved. Neither 
should the pretext of the General Assembly's ratification of 
the sentence be a stay unto them, considering it was done 
many months after the pronouncing of the sentence, and that 
the absolution they should give might in the like manner be 
ratified at the next Assembl}^ ; much less ought the prohibi- 
tion of the presbytery of Edinburgh (whereof his majesty 
was informed) be any hindrance to them, seeing they were 
neither subject nor subordinate to them, but as free in all 
respects as themselves. 

And if any doubt should arise upon the form of the earl's 
satisfaction, he was to remember them that the same is 
expressly defined in the act of parliament, anno 1572, made 
against apostates and other adversaries of the true religion, 
where it is said, " That they which have made defection 
from the truth should not be received to our sovereign lord's 
mercy and favour, till they have given of new the confession 
of their faith, and promised to continue in the profession 
thereof, in all time coming, and to fortify the preachers of 
the same against whatsoever enemies." 

Last of all, he was appointed to deliver them a copy of 
the imprinted questions, and to desire the most discreet of 
their number to be sent commissioners to the Assembly ap- 
pointed at Perth, with promise of special favoui* to them in 
all their businesses, his good will towards the ministry being 
no way altered by the wrong he had received from those 
insolent ministers of Edinburgh. This was the substance of 
his instructions. 

The ministers with the reverence that was due made 
answer. That for the tumult of Edinburgh they were igno- 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 47 

rant of the ministers' behaviour therein, as likewise of the 
reason of their flight, and having no jurisdiction over them, 
they could give forth no judgment or censure ; only in the 
general they would say, that whosoever by just trial should 
be found authors of that insurrection deserved to be punished 
as traitors, and if they were ministers, to be doubly punished. 

For their subscription to the bonds, they answered, That 
at their acceptation of the ministry they had taken oath for 
acknowledging his majesty's power and authority, and would 
not decline the same ; but where the bond did mention 
speeches uttered in pulpit, because the same concerned ap- 
plication of doctrine, which his majesty had proponed as a 
question to be decided in the approaching Assembly, they did 
humbly entreat his majesty to spare them in that point unto 
that time, which they promised precisely to keep. 

For the earl of Huntly, they said, his repentance should 
be most acceptable to them ; that they were content to give 
him conference, and use all means for his resolution ; but 
they did not find him so willing to conform as they wished, 
nor very earnest for his absolution. 

This was the sum of their answer, which the king did 
accept the better, because of the hopes given to his servant 
of all satisfaction on their parts at the meeting of Perth, 
which they also performed ; for both then and afterwards 
in all assemblies and conventions they did stick fast unto 
him. But the king being made to understand that Huntly 
did linger and delay to make offers for satisfying the Church, 
he sent him the letter following written all with his own 
hand : — 

" My Lord, — I am sure ye consider and do remember how 
often I have incurred skaith and hazard for your cause ; 
therefore, to be short, resolve you either to satisfy the 
Church betwixt and the day that is appointed without any 
more delay, or else if your conscience be so kittle as it cannot 
permit you, make for another land betwixt and that day, 
where ye may use freely your own conscience ; your wife 
and bairns shall in that case enjoy your living ; but for your- 
self look never to be a Scottishman again. Deceive not 
yourself to think that, by lingering of time, your wife and 

48 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

your allies shall ever get you better conditions. And think 
not that I will suifer any professing a contrary religion to 
dwell in this land. If you obey me in this, you may once 
again be settled in a good estate, and made able to do me 
service, which from my heart I would wish. The rest I 
remit to the bearer, whose directions ye shall follow if you 
wish your own weal. Farewell. 

" From Dunfei'mline. James 11." 

Such was the king's care for reclaiming the nobleman to 
the profession of the truth, whilst people suffered themselves 
to be abused with rumours that he himself was declining. 
Letters in the meantime were directed to all the presbyteries, 
advertising them of the meeting at Perth, and desiring they 
should send their commissionei's thither instructed with 
power to treat and conclude in all matters to be pro- 
poned. When the day came, the Assembly was frequent 
enough ; but divers commissioners bearing a power only to 
convene, hear, and report, and not to question anything 
concluded in former Assemblies, the king sent Sir John 
Cockburne of Ormiston, Mr John Preston, and Mr Edward 
Bruce, to ask those that were convened, " Whether they did 
account that meeting a lawful General Assembly, having 
power sufficient to treat and conclude in the articles that 
should be proponed, according to his majesty's missive letters 
directed to the several presbyteries ?" After long reasoning, 
answer was made, " That they did esteem the meeting to 
be a lawful General Assembly, called extraordinarily by his 
majesty's letters, and that they would hear, treat, and con- 
clude of things that should be moved unto them, according to 
the commissions wherewith they were authorized." 

This answer given, they presented the articles following: — 
*' Seeing the quietness of the Churchand the freeing of the same 
from slander, which upon the contrary effects would necessarily 
follow, is the principal scope and end at which his majesty 
aimeth in this present Assembly, for eschewing fashions and 
long disputes whereupon controversies and debates might 
arise, his majesty hath thought good to remit the decision of 
a great number of the questions imprinted to better oppor- 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 49 

tunity, and will content himself with the determination of a 
few that he hath made choice of, which without a greater harm 
could not be longer delayed. 

As first, That it be not thought unlawful either to the 
prince or any of the pastors at any time hereafter to move 
doubts, and crave reformation of any points in the external 
policy and disciphne of the Church, which are not essential 
concerning salvation, nor expressly defined in scripture ; pro- 
viding it be done decenter in right time and place, animo 
cedificandi, non tentandi. 

2. That, seeing the civil and pohtic government of the 
country belongs properly to the king's office and his coun- 
cillors, and is no way pertinent to the spiritual ministry 
of the word, no minister should thereafter meddle Avith 
matters of estate in pulpit, or with any of his majesty's laws, 
statutes, or ordinances ; but if any of them seem hurtful to 
religion, they should complain to the king and council thereof. 

3. That it should not be lawful to ministers to name any 
particular men's names in pulpit, or so vively to describe them 
as may be equivalent to their naming, except upon the no- 
toriety of a crime, which notoriety must only be defined by 
the guilty persons being fugitive for the crimes, or the de- 
claration of an assize, or their excommunication for the same. 

4. That every minister in his particular application have 
only respect to the edification of his own flock and present 
auditory, without expatiating in other discourses no way 
pertinent to their congregation. 

5. That every particular presbytery be commanded to 
take a dihgent account of the doctrine of their ministers, and 
see that they keep themselves within bounds in the premises. 

6. That summary excommunication be utterly discharged, 
and that three lawful citations, at least of eight days' interval 
betwixt every one of them, precede the sentence. 

7. That no session, presbytery, or synod use censures 
upon any but those that are within their bounds ; otherwise 
their decrees and sentences to be null. 

8. That all summons contain a special cause and crime, and 
none be used super inquirendis, quod est mere tyrannicum. 

9. That no meeting or convention be amongst the ministers 
without his majesty's knowledge and consent, except the 
ordinary sessions, presbyteries, and synods. 

VOL. III. 4 

50 THE HISTORY OF THE [a, D. 1596. 

10. That in the principal burghs no ministers be placed 
without the consent of his majesty and the flock ; and this 
order to begin presently in Edinburgli. 

11. That all matters concerning the rest of his majesty's 
questions be suspended, and neither condemned nor rebuked, 
either in pulpit, or any other judicatory, till the same be 
decided in the next General Assembly ; especially that no 
matters be called before the ecclesiastical judicatories as im- 
porting slander, wherein his majesty's authority may be pre- 
judged; but that they meddle only with causes merely 

12. That some wise and discreet ministers, to'the number 
of seven or eight, be authorized by commission to reason 
upon the rest of the questions, when opportunity of time shall 

Lastly, That the present Assembly grant commission to the 
ministers of the north country to absolve the earl of Huntly 
from his excommunication, if he satisfy the Church." 

For the better determining of the said articles, it was 
thought meet that some brethren should be desired to confer 
of them apart, and report their opinions to the Assembly, 
which they did the next morning. Touching the first article, 
they said, That they held it not expedient to make any law 
or act concerning that matter, lest a door should be opened 
thereby to turbulent spirits; otherwise they did tbink it 
lawful to his majesty, by himself or by his commissioners, to 
propone in a General Assembly whatsoever point his majesty 
desired to be resolved in, or to be reformed in siyecie externi 
ordinis, seeing substantia externce administrationis ecclesias- 
ticce est plenissime prodita in sacris Uteris. And as the Gen- 
eral Assembly hath accepted well of this manner of doing in 
all times past, so in their opinion they would do the hke in 
time coming. 

For tbe second their advice was, That the acts already 
made which are hurtful to religion, and jjrejudicial to the 
liberty of the word, should be discharged, and no act there- 
after passed concerning religion without the advice and con- 
sent of the Church. As for matters of estate mentioned in 
the article, they craved a farther explanation of that point. 

The third they esteemed reasonable, that no man's name 
should be expressed to his rebuke in pulpit, unless the fault 

A. 1). 159(5.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 51 

was notorious and public ; but they esteemed notoriety must 
be defined otherwise than by the three ways set down in the 
article : for contumacy after citation, the public commission 
of a crime, such as was Bothwell's treasonable attempt at 
Leith, the burning of Donibristle, and the Uke, make also a 
notoriety. As to the vive description, said to be equivalent, 
they thought it hard to set any law to that, seeing every 
guilty person will think himself described when his fault is 
rebuked, albeit the minister doth not once think of him. 

The fourth and fifth articles they judged lawful ; but for 
the sixth, which craves a simple charge of summary excom- 
munication, they advised to remit the same to the next 
Assembly, suspending the practice thereof in the meantime. 
The seventh, they thought, was likewise to be remitted. To 
the eighth they agveed ; and for the ninth, that concerned 
the meeting of pastors, they said that besides sessions, pres- 
byteries, and synods, pastors are accustomed to meet for 
visitation of churches, admission of ministers, taking up of 
feuds, resolving of questions, and the like. 

The tenth they esteemed reasonable. The eleventh article 
seeming to import a discharge of many points of discipline, 
they said was so large that it could not be presently answered. 
And the last two they remitted to the full Assembly, judging 
that they ought to be granted. 

These answers showed to the king were not liked, and 
held insufficient ; whereupon the Assembly was desired to 
repair to the place where his majesty and the Estates were 
convened, for treating upon the foresaid articles. At their 
coming the king had a speech much to this purpose : " That 
they could not be ignorant either of the occasion, or of his 
purpose in calhng the present Assembly ; and for the occasion, 
that it grieved him to remember it, not for any injury or 
displeasure done to himself, but for the shame and slander 
cast upon religion ; for have not the adversaries, said he, now 
too just a ground against us, who say that our profession 
teacheth the contempt of princes, and maintains insurrections 
against them ? I know it is the fault of men, and not of the 
profession, and none of you that are met here I take to be 
guilty of the late attempt ; but it is in your hands to clear 
yourselves, if any think otherwise, and so to free your pro- 
fession of that scandal. As to the purpose for which I have 

52 THE HISTORY OV THE [a. u. 159C. 

called you together at this time, it is to mend such things as 
are amiss, and to take away the questions that may move 
trouble afterwards. If you for your parts be willing to have 
matters righted, things may yet go well. I claim nothing 
but what is due to every Christian king within his dominion, 
that is to be cu3tos and vindex disciplince. Corruptions are 
crept in, and more daily growing by this liberty that preachers 
take in the application of their doctrine, and censuring every 
thing that is not to their mind. This I must have mended ; 
for such discourses serve only to move sedition and raise 
tumults. Let the truth of God be taught in the ch.air of 
truth, and wickedness be reproved; but in such sort as the 
offender may be bettered, and vice made more odious. To 
rail against men in pulpit, and express their names, as we 
know was done of late, there being no just cause, and make 
the word of God, which is ordained to guide men in the way 
of salvation, an instrument of sedition, is a sin, I am sure, 
beyond all other that can be committed on earth. Hold you 
within your limits, and I will never blame you, nor suffer 
others to work you any vexation. The civil government is 
committed to me, it is not your subject, nor are ye to meddle 
with it." After such words as these, he began to speak of 
the articles proponed, desiring to hear what reasons, they had 
to the contrary. 

Mr Thomas Buchanan, as he was appointed, did first 
protest in the name of the Assembly, " That their coming to 
that place was only to testify their obedience to his majesty, 
and to hear what should be proponed ; but not to submit 
matters ecclesiastic, either concerning doctrine or discipline, 
to their judicatory, or yet to make themselves one Assembly 
with the Estates : and that therefore they should be per- 
mitted to return to the place of their Assembly to treat, rea- 
son, and conclude in the points moved unto them according 
to the word of God and good conscience." Which protes- 
tation was admitted. Then ho did humbly thank his majes- 
ty for his good affection to the Church, and the care he had 
to redress things that were amiss in so peaceable a manner. 
And for the particulars proponed, he showed what was the 
mind of the Assembly, and the reasons that led them unto it, 
saying, they were willing to hear and give place to better in- 
formation. Hereupon ensued a reasoning, which kept a long 

A. D. 1596.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 53 

time, and ended in a good agreement : so the ministers Avere 
dimitted, and assembling again in the ordinary place, they 
corrected their first answers in this sort. 

1. That it is lawful to his majesty by himself or his com- 
missioners, or to the pastors, to propone in a General As- 
sembly whatsoever point his majesty or they desire to be 
resolved or reformed in matters of external government, 
alterable according to circumstances ; providing it be done 
in right time and place, animo (EcJificandi, non tentandi. 

2. That no minister should reprove his majesty's laws, 
acts, statutes, and ordinances, unto such time as first he hath 
by the advice of his presbytery, synodal or general assem- 
blies, complained and sought remedy of the same from his 
majesty, and made report of his majesty's answer, before any 
farther proceeding. 

3. That no man's name should be expressed in pulpit to 
his rebuke, except the fault be notorious and public ; which 
notoriety is thus defined. If the person be fugitive, convict 
by assize, excommunicate, contumax after citation or lawful 
admonition ; nor yet should any man be described vively by 
an^r other circumstances than public vices always damnable. 

4. That no minister should use application, wherein he 
hath not a principal respect to the edifying of his own flock 
and present auditory. 

5. That every presbytery take dihgent account of the 
pastor's doctrine, and that he keep himself within the bounds 
of the word. 

6. That the answer of the sixth article shall be superseded 
unto the next General Assembly, suspending in the mean time 
all summary excommunication unto the said Assembly. 

7. That the seventh article be remitted to the next 

8. That all summons contain the special cause and crime, 
and none to be given out super inquirendis. 

9. That no conventions shall be amongst the pastors with- 
out his majesty's knowledge and consent, except their sessions, 
presbyteries, and synods, the meetings of the visitations of 
churches, admission or deprivation of ministers, taking up of 
deadly feuds, and the hke, which have not been found fault 
with by his majesty. 

10. That in all principal towns the ministers shall not be 

54 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

chosen without his majesty'^s consent and the consent of the 

1 1 . That all matters concerning remanent questions shall bo 
suspended, and neither damned nor rebuked in pulpit or 
other judicatories, till they be decided in the General Assem- 
bly ; and that no matters importing slander shall be called 
before them in the mean time, wherein his majesty's au- 
thority is prejudged, causes ecclesiastical only excepted. 

Lastly, for reasoning the said questions, according to his 
majesty's desire, the Assembly did ordain Mr James Nichol- 
son, Mr John Coldcleuch, Mr Andrew Clayhills, Mr Thomas 
Buchanan, IMr David Lindsay, Mr James INielvill, Mr 
Robert Wilkie, Mr William Cowper, Mr John Cowper, Mr 
Robert Rollock, Mr Patrick Galloway, Mr Robert Howy, 
John Duncanson, and Mr James Bryson, to convene at such 
time and place as his majesty should be pleased to appoint, 
and to report their opinion and advice to the next General 

These conclusions taken, which for a beginning did satisfy 
the king, a commission was also given at his majesty's desire 
to the ministers of Aberdeen and INIurray, with some others 
of Mearns and Angus, for reconciling the popish lords. The 
conditions reqxiired of Huntiy to be fulfilled before his ab- 
solution were, 

1. That he should appear before the commissioners ap- 
pointed by the Assembly the twenty-second of March at 
Aberdeen, and remain in that city during the time of their 
conference wuth him, to the effect he might be instructed in 
the truth, and brought to condescend with knowledge unto 
the religion professed, and to the detestation of the contrary. 

2. That he should acknowledge the Church of Scotland to be a 
true church, and adjoin himself thereto, hear the word, receive 
the sacraments, and be obedient to the discipline thereof. 

3. That he should solemnly promise to remove forth of his 
company, and from the bounds that were under his power, 
all Jesuits, priests, and excommunicate persons. 4. That he 
swear and subscribe the confession of the faith in presence of 
the whole commissioners. 5. That he acknowledge the sen- 
tence of excommunication to have been justly pronounced 
against him for his apostasy from the truth, the slaughter of 
the earl of Murray, and burning of Donibristle, and that he 


declare himself penitent therefor, promising assythment to 
the party -whensoever he should be moved to accept the same. 
6. That he provide sufficient maintenance to the churches 
within his bounds by the advice of his best disposed friends, 
and have an ordinary minister to reside with him in his 
family. And lastly, That he be content to reconcile with all 
that he is esteemed to carry any grudge unto, and profess 
no quarrel to any of those that assisted the king in bis pur- 

The like conditions were required of Angus and ErroU 
(that which concerned the earl of Murray only excepted). 
All matters being thus peaceably accorded, the king caused 
publish the good agreement he had made with the Church, 
taking in his protection the ministers with their families, 
goods, and possessions, and charging all papists (those ex- 
cepted that were in terms of satisfaction) to depart forth of 
the country before the first of June. 

The Assembly finding the king so well pleased, made bold 
to intercede for the ministers, the town of Edinburgh, and 
the gentlemen that were challenged for the tumult. For the 
town his majesty answered, that he was not minded to 
trouble innocent men, and should shortly settle with them. 
Touching the gentlemen, he said, they should do well to pre- 
sent their supplications by their fx'iends. But for the minis- 
ters, he esteemed them most guilty, and knew not what course 
to take with them. It being replied, that by the examina- 
tions taken it appeared that they all, especially Mr Robert 
Bruce, was a chief instrument in the staying of the tumult, 
and that they should therefore be rather rewarded than 
punished ; he answered, *•' That granting they did stay the 
tumult, yet they were the cause of it ; and if they for that 
fault were first corrected, he would not be much troubled 
with their reAvard. Not the less, at the Assembly's request, he 
would be content they should be relaxed, upon caution to 
underlie the trial of law." Thus an end was put to that 
meeting, and the next Assembly by his majesty's consent 
appointed to be at Dundee the tenth of May following. 

This year Mr John Lesley, bishop of Ross, departed this 
life at Brussels in Flanders, where for the most part he abode 
after the queen of Scotland's execution. A man (though dif- 
fering from us in religion) worthy to be remembered for his 

50 THE HISTOUY OF THE [a. D. 1596. 

fidelity to the queen liis mistress, and the extraordinary 
pains he took to procure her hberty, travailing with all the 
neighbour princes to interpose their credit with the queen 
of England for her relief : neither was he deficient otherwise 
in ministering the best consolations he could furnish for bear- 
ing patiently her cross, whereof one treatise he afterwards 
published full of piety and learning. How heavily he took 
her death it cannot well be expressed ; yet comforting him- 
self in the best sort he could, he put off to this time, and 
being much weakened by a languishing sickness that held 
him some months, he ended quietly his days. The history 
of his country from the beginning of the nation unto these 
last times, written by him in the Latin tongue, doth witness 
both his learning and judgment. It being just to give unto 
every man (albeit an enemy) his due commendation, I could 
not pass him unremembered. Mr David Lindsay, minister 
at Leith, was in the year following provided to that see. 

The diet assigned for the appearing of the town of Edin- 
burgh at Perth, was upon their petition continued first to the 
fifteenth day of February, and from the fifteenth again put 
off to the first day of March, with a declaration, " That if 
two of the bailies, with the dean of guild, treasurer, four of 
the principal deacons, four of the council, and their clerk, mak- 
ing thirteen in all, did enter themselves the said day, and 
bring a sufficient commission from the provost, bailies, coun- 
cil, and community of the town for underlying the order that 
should be taken with them, as representing the whole body, 
their compearance by so many should serve for all the rest." 

It was the fifth of March before they were called, at which 
time there compeared a number of persons, and presented a 
procuratory under the seal of the town, and the subscription 
of the clerks thereof, which his majesty caused to be read ; 
then asking if all contained in the commission were present, 
it was answered that they were all there, William Mauld 
excepted, who had his majesty's letter of dispensation, which 
they produced. But the same being granted the eleventh of 
January, long before the deliverance upon their petition, 
which expressly ordained that they should have thirteen 
persons present for undergoing the trial, it was declared to 
be no warrant ; and so for not fulfilling the ordinance of the 
council, the towji was denounced, the burgesses declared 

A. D. 1597.] CHURCH of Scotland. 57 

rebels, and their coramon goods (so they called the rents be- 
longing to the town) arrested to the king's use. 

It was pitiful to behold the (desolation wherein the town 
was then cast. The magistrates renounced their offices, and 
would carry no more charge ; the people were left without 
direction, wanting both magistrates and ministers; and in 
this state did they continue for the space of fifteen days. At 
last, by the intercession of some noblemen, the king was 
pleased to receive the town in favour ; and the provost, 
bailies, council, and deacons of crafts, being brought unto his 
presence at Halyrudhouse the twenty-first of March, and 
falling upon their knees, did with tears beg pardon for their 
neghgence in not timely preventing that tumult, raised (as 
they said) by a number of ill-disposed people, beseeching his 
majesty to take pity of the town, which did submit itself 
simply to his highness's mercy. The king, after he had sharply 
rebuked them, and showed in many words the greatness of 
their offence, commanded them to remove, that he might 
think what was fittest to be done. Then calling for the 
offers they had formerly made, he caused eke unto them the 
articles following. " That the lodgings in the churchyard 
wherein the ministers dwelt and kept their consultations 
should be given to his majesty, and used at his pleasure. 
That the ministers who should thereafter serve in the town 
should dwell in their own quarters and live dispersed. That 
the town should be obliged for the indemnity of the lords of 
session during their sitting, under the penalty of forty thou- 
sand marks. That the nether council-house, wherein the 
provost and bailies did keep their meetings, should be ap- 
pointed for the exchequer ; and that for the offence committed 
the town should be fined in twenty thousand marks, to be paid 
in four months." These conditions accepted, the kmg did 
pardon the town, giving order to receive them to his peace, 
and by proclamation recalled the session to sit in their former 
place. Never did any king, considering the offence, temper 
his authority with more grace and clemency than did his 
majesty at this time ; which the people did all acknowledge, 
ascribing their life and safety only to his favour. 

Shortly after the ministers were also permitted to return, 
and had their peace granted, but were not suffered to preach 
in their places ; the king taking now the occasion of finishing 

58 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1597. 

that work Tchich some two years before had been moved, for 
distributing the people in several parishes, and planting more 
ministers among them. The let he knew was in the town, 
that still put off the business because of the burthen it would 
draw upon them ; and knowing that the desire they had to 
have their old ministers reponed would make them the more 
forward that way, he refuses to readmit them until the dis- 
tribution intended was perfected, and other four ministers ad- 
joined to them, for the better instruction and more orderly 
government of the people. The ministers themselves did 
also profess that they were wearied of that confused ministry, 
as they called it ; and compearing in the Assembly, which held 
at the time appointed in Dundee, they resigned their offices, 
denying to serve any longer, unless they had a particular 
flock designed. But because that work required a longer time 
than the Assembly could well abide together, the same was 
committed to certain delegates, and the ministers dwelling- 
near unto Edinburgh ordained to furnish the pulpits for the 

In the Assembly Mr Robert Rollock was elected to pre- 
side, though he was not as yet in orders ; in so great esteem 
he was with all good men for his learning, holiness, and mod- 
eration. The first thing done was the taking of an account 
of the ministers' travails with the earls of Angus, Huntly, and 
ErroU, and of their obedience to the injunctions given in the 
former Assembly. This was testified, by the ministers that 
had the charge, to have been in all points so well performed, 
as no more could be required of them. For verifying thereof 
their several subscriptions were produced, together with an 
humble supplication to the Assembly for accepting their sat- 
isfaction, and receiving them in the bosom of the Church ; 
which accordingly was decerned, and order given that they 
should be received by the same commissioners who were ap- 
pointed to meet at a certain time, and pronounce their absolu- 

The next thing proponed was touching the questions left 
unresolved in the last Assembly ; and because exception was 
taken, by some brethren that were absent, at the articles con- 
cluded at Perth, especially that it should have been acknow- 
ledged for a lawful General Assembly, it was of new declared 
to be a lawful Assembly, and certain explanations added to 

A. D. 1597.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 59 

the rest of the acts : As, in the point of notoriety, the crime 
should be reputed notorious, that was so manifest and known 
ut nulla tergiversatione celari possit ; and for the convening 
of pastors with his majesty's consent, the same was declared 
to be extended to all assemblies either general or particular, 
authorized by his highness's laws, and having warrant in the 
word of God. His majesty did likewise express his meaning, 
touching the provision of burghs with ministers, in this sort, 
that when the Assembly should find it necessary to place a 
minister in any town, he should either yield his consent or 
give a sufficient reason of his refusal. With these declarations 
the whole number were so well pleased, as, proceeding in the 
rest of the questions, they determined as followeth : — 
First, Where his majesty doth crave that, before the conclu- 
sion of any weighty matter, his highness's advice and ap- 
probation should be had thereto ; the Assembly will be 
very glad to have his majesty's authority interponed to 
all acts of any importance made by the Church, so as 
matters formerly treated and concluded be not drawn in 

2. That there should be an uniform order kept in the ordi- 
nation of ministers, and none admitted but by imposition of 
hands, and to a certain flock on which they shall be astricted 
to attend. As also such as have not received ordination 
should not be permitted to teach in great rooms, except 
upon urgent necessity and in the defect of actual ministers ; 
and that good heed shall be taken that they did not pass 
their bounds^ especially in application. 

3. That no minister should exercise any jurisdiction, either 
by making of constitutions or leading of processes, without 
advice and concurrence of his session, presbytery, synod, 
or General Assembly. 

4. That all sessions should be elected with consent of their 
own congregations. 

5. That sessions, presbyteries, and synods should labour 
to be formal in their proceedings, and that the inferior judi- 
catories should be tried in this point by their superiors. 

G. That in the exercises of the word Avhereunto ministers 
convene, there should no application be used. 

7. That in matters of importance, if the voices be different 
only by two or three, nothing should be concluded until a 

60 THE IllSTOIlY OF THE [a.D, 1597. 

better resolution Avas taken, aud ho who holdcth the nega- 
tive give rationem ncgandL 

8. That presbyteries should not meddle with any thing that 
is not known, without all controversy, to belong to the eccle- 
siastical judicatory ; and that therein uniformity should be 
observed throughout the country. 

9. That no processes and acts should be extracted at the de- 
sire of parties having interest. 

10. Summary excommunication should bo suspended as be- 
fore, and in great crimes after public intimation, the com- 
mitter debarred d sacris et it privato convichi. 

11. That where any presbytery should be desired by his 
majesty's missive to stay their proceedings, as being pre- 
judicial to the civil jurisdiction or private men's rights, 
they should desist until his majesty did receive satisfaction. 
The principal questions being thus decided, it was thought 

meet to supersede the treating of the rest, and to give a gen- 
eral commission to certain of the most wise and discreet 
brethren, for all affairs that might concern the good of the 
Church. For this effect choice was made of Mr David 
Lindsay, Mr Thomas Nicholson, Mr Thomas Buchanan, 
Mr Robert Pont, Mr Robert Rollock, IMr Alexander 
Douglas, Mr George Gladstanes, Mr Patrick Galloway, 
John Duncanson, Mr Patrick Sharpc, Mr James Mclvill, 
Mr William Cowpcr, and John Clapperton, to whom, or to 
any seven of them, power was given to convene with his 
majesty at such times as they should be required, for taking 
order touching the provision of ministers to the towns of 
Edinburgh, Dundee, and St Andrews, the houses of the 
king and prince, and to any other churches within the realm 
that should stand in need to be planted ; as likewise to pre- 
sent the petitions and grievances of the Church to his maj- 
esty, either general or jiarticular, and to give their advice to 
his highness in all matters that might serve to the weal and 
peace of the Church. 

How soon the Assembly dissolved. Sir Patrick Murray 
was sent by the king unto the north, to see the conditions 
made by the three earls to the Church performed, and to as- 
sist the commissioners appointed for their absolution. He 
had farther in charge to cause them to subscribe the general 
bonds for the peace and quietness of the country, and to find 

A, D. 1597.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 61 

caution each of thorn, under the pain of twenty thousand 
pounds, not to traffic nor keep intelHgence with any foreigners 
without his majesty's hcense by word or writing ; particularly 
for the earl of Huntly it is enjoined, that he should follow 
the counsel of certain barons and ministers that the king did 
nominate unto him, and proceed by their advice in all weighty 
affairs, especially in matters that concerned his majesty's 
service. The barons nominated to him were, the laird of 
Findlater, the laird of Inncs, the laird of Phillorth, the tutor 
of Cromarty, the laird of Pitlurg, and laird of Cluny, or 
any three of them ; the ministers were, the bishop of Aber- 
deen. Mr Peter Blackburn, Mr John Forbes, Mr Robert 
Howy, the parson of Turriff, and Mr Alexander Douglas, or 
any three of them. 

Whilst the king was thus busied to reconcile Huntly to 
the Church, Mv James Gordon, Jesuit, came into the country 
of intention to divert him from giving obedience ; against 
whom a strict proclamation was made, inhibiting the subjects 
to reset, supply, or entertain any intelligence with him, under 
pain of treason, and a thousand crowns promised to any that 
should apprehend and bring him to the king. And at the 
same time was discovered a practice of fortifying the isle of 
Ailsa, in the west seas, for receiving certain forces that 
the Spanish king had promised to send thither. The con- 
triver of this plot was one Hugh Barclay of Ladyland, who 
being committed the year before in the castle of Glasgow, 
had made an escape and gone to Spain. This year returning 
to make good what he had undertaken, with some few as- 
sisters, he entered into the isle (a huge rock it is, four miles 
in compass, wherein is an old ruinous tower built on the 
ascent of the rock, of difficult access), meaning to have vic- 
tualled the same. Mr John Knox (the same who took Mr 
George Kerr with the blanks some five years before) getting 
intelligence of the purpose, came upon him unlocked, and 
landing in the isle did encounter him in the very shore ; 
for most of his company being gone to seek their sport, he 
had stayed to see who those were that he espied coming to the 
isle, not thinking that his purpose was known, or that any 
would pursue him ; but when he perceived them to be un- 
friends, and to be set for his apprehension, he ran into the sea 
and drowned himself. The king did esteem this, as it was 

62 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1597. 

indeed, a piece of good service ; and the ne^YS thereof going 
to the popish lords made them more willing to fulfil that which 
they had promised ; so that, on the twenty-sixth of June, the 
earls of Huntly and ErroU, upon their solemn repentance, 
oaths, and subscriptions to the articles of foith, were absolved 
in the church of Aberdeen. The earl of Angus in the same 
manner was received by the ministers of Ivlearns and Angus. 

This business ended, tljre king, for repressing the barbarous 
feuds which abounded at that time in the north parts, sent a 
commission to the bishop of Aberdeen, with concurrence of 
Sir Patrick Murray and some ministers, for taking up their 
quarrels, and with charges to cause the parties give assurance 
one to another, which should endure to the first of April in 
the year 1598. The feuds mentioned in the instructions 
sent to Sir Patrick Murray, were the feuds betwixt the earl 
of Huntly and Lord Forbes, the earl of Erroll and the laird 
of Ludqharne, the laird of Drum and young Frcndraught, 
with a number more. But the most deadly and dangerous, 
betwixt the families of Huntly and Murray, the king reserved 
to be his own v.'ork, and ceased not till the same was removed, 
and a friendship made up by marriage, which should in all 
reason be most lasting. Those others were by the diligence 
of the bishop and ministers settled, and so the north parts 
reduced unto quietness. 

In the end of June the king called the commissioners of 
the Assembly to a meeting at Falkland ; where amongst other 
business a complaint was preferred by Mr John Lindsay of 
Balcarres, secretary, against Mr Robert Wallace, minister 
at St Andrews, for certain injurious speeches uttered in his 
sermons, having called him a briber, and said, " That albeit 
he had made conquest of fifty chalders victual in Fife, and 
built a house to the skies, yet his posterity should beg their 
bread, which some of his auditors should sec ; and that it was 
doubtful ifever God should grant him repentance." The secre- 
tary had complained of this to the presbytery, but they refused 
to admit his accusation, unless the same was assisted by two 
witnesses, who could affirm that the accuser had just cause to 
pursue the complaint, which they alleged to be the apostle's 
canon in the First Epistle to Timothy, ch. 5, v. 19, and 
showed themselves so partially affected, as he was forced to 
pursue the complaint before his mnjesty and the commissioners. 

A. D. 1597.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 63 

IMr Wallace being summoned to that diet, and desired to 
answer to the complaint, refused to acknowledge the judg- 
ment, alleging, " That the General Assembly had given them 
no commission in that particular, and that the accusation once 
intended before the presbytery of St Andrews ought to have 
been orderly taken out of their hands, which was not done. 
This declinator being proponed, compeared Mr NicoU Dal- 
gleish, moderator of the presbytery, and in their name pro- 
tested against the proceedings of the commissioners in that 
cause, as being once intended before them, seeing, by that 
form of doing, ail the presbyteries of Scotland should be pre- 
judged, and that the General Assembly, of whom they had 
their commission, would not take unto them the trial of any 
cause, with a neglect of the inferior judicatories." " Then," 
said the king, '•' I will hkewise protest, that seeing one of the 
principal motives which induced me to crave, and the General 
Assembly to yield unto this commission, was to have the like 
of these offences, when they did arise, removed, and justice 
done by the ministers themselves, rather than to be brought 
before the council, ye will either proceed in examining the 
complaint, and do that which is right, or hold me excused if 
1 take order with it by another form that will not please you 
so well." 

The commissioners having advised the reasons of the de- 
chnator and protestation, did find them all invalid and of no 
force, and that they had warrant sufficient to proceed and 
minister justice in that action, as well in respect of the general 
power contained in their commission, as of the particular com- 
mended to their care in the planting of the church of St 
Andrews. So the complaint was admitted, and the fifth of 
July appointed at St Andrews for trying the same. 

At the day the secretary compearing, accompanied with 
Mr Robert Mauld, commissar of St Andrews, and John 
Arnot, clerk to the commissariat, (whom he produced as 
assisting witnesses to take away the presbytery's exception,) 
did insist in his complaint. Mr Wallace being asked if he 
had any thing to oppose against the witnesses, refused to 
answer in respect of his declinator ; whereupon they were 
admitted, and upon oath declared that they knew the accu- 
sation to be just, and that the secretary had not intended the 
same of any purpose to calumniate or slander the said Mr 

64 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. u. 1597. 

Robert, but only to be repaired to bis credit and bouour, 
as one wbo bad been greatly wronged by him. Tbe wit- 
nesses for probation being then called, and Mr Wallace in- 
quired if he had any exception against them, refused, as be- 
fore, to answer. So they likewise were received, and being 
sworn, deponed, that they heard the said Mr Wallace utter 
the words complained of in his sermon. Not the less the 
commissioners for their better information did think it meet 
to call his auditors of the university, who were of better 
judgment, and could truly relate what they heard. The 
masters of the new college refusing to give any testimony, in 
respect of the presbytery's protestation at Falkland, all the 
rest affirmed what the witnesses had deponed. After which, 
Mr Wallace being again called, and desired to show what 
reason or warrant he had for uttering such speeches, refused 
still to make answer ; nor could any persuasion break his 
obstinacy, though he was earnestly laboured by JNIr Robert 
RoUock and Mr James Melvill apart, who did offer, upon 
the confession of the fault, that the process should cease. 

The commissioners seeing no way to eschew the pronoun- 
cing of sentence, in regard of his obstinacy, did yet take 
counsel to visit the church, and inquire both of his and Mr 
Blake's behaviour in that ministry, before they went farther. 
A visitation for this effect being appointed the eleventh of 
July, and Mr Blake summoned to the same day, the elders 
and deacons of the Church were inquired touching the be- 
haviour of them both, and the verity of the accusations laid 
against them ; who all upon oath deponed that the accusa- 
tions were true, and that Blake had spoken all that whereof 
he was convicted before the council ; as also that the secre- 
tary's complaint of Mr Wallace was most just. And being 
asked touching their behaviour otherwise, they declared that 
both the one and the other were given to factions, and that 
they did not carry themselves with that indifferency Avhich 
became preachers. 

This declaration made clear way to the commissioners for 
ending that business, and providing St Andrews with a more 
peaceable ministry ; whereupon sentence was given that both 
the ministers should be removed, and Mr George Gladstanes 
(a man sufficiently qualified, serving then at Arbirlot in 
Angus) translated and placed in their room, till anotlicr 

A. D. 1597.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 65 

helper might be found out to be joined with him. This done, 
the Sunday following he was accepted of the people with a 
great applause, Mr Thomas Buchanan, Mr James Nicholson, 
and Mr James Mclvill enterinoj him to the charge. 

And because it concerned the peace of the Church no less 
to have the abuses of the university reformed, the king call- 
ing the governors thereof, and inquiring what order they 
kept ; when he understood that, against the accustomed form, 
Mr Andrew Melvill had continued rector a number of years 
together, he commanded a new election to be made, and 
honouring the election with his own presence in the schools 
of St Salvator, ]Mr Robert Wilkie, principal of St Leonards, 
was chosen rector, and appointed to bear that charge unto 
the ordinary time of election. As also, for preventing the 
Hke disorders, a statute was made, " That none should be 
continued rector above a year, nor admitted to the said office 
but after the space of three years." It was likewise declared, 
" That any suppost, having received the degree of a Master 
of Arts, might be chosen rector, he residing in the university 
during his office, or at least the most part of the time." 

In the new college, whereof the said Mr Andre\» had the 
charge, all things were found out of order ; the rents ill 
husbanded, the professions neglected, and, in place of divinity 
lectures, politic questions oftentimes agitated : as, " Whether 
the election or succession of kings were the better form of 
government ? How far the royal power extended ? and. If 
kings might be censured for abusing the same, and deposed 
by the Estates of tlie kingdom ?" The king, to correct these 
abuses, did prescribe to every professor his subject of teach- 
ing, appointing the first master to read the common places 
to the students, with the law and history of the Bible ; the 
second to read the New Testament ; the third the Prophets, 
with the Books of Ecclesiastes and Canticles ; and the fourth 
the Hebrew Grammar, with the Psalms, the Proverbs, and 
the Book of Job. 

For the better husbanding of the rents, as well in that as 
in the other colleges, it was ordained, " That there should 
be a council chosen to the university, which should have 
power to elect an ceconomus in every college for uplifting the 
rents, and take care to see all things rightly administrated." 
Of this council were named the chancellor of the university, 

VOL. in. 5 

66 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1597. 

the conservator of the privileges, the laird of Colluthie, 
Mr David Lindsay, Mr Robert Rollock, and Mr Thomas 
Buchanan ; without whose consent and subscriptions it 
should not be lawful to set any lease, or make other dispo- 
sition whatsoever of any part of their rents. 

And, lest they should be distracted by any other employ- 
ment, it was concluded, " That all the doctors, professors, 
and regents, not being pastors in the Church, should be ex- 
empted from the keeping of sessions, presbyteries, synodical 
or general assemblies, and from all teaching in churches and 
congregations, exercises excepted; with a discharge to all 
and every one of them, to accept any commission prejudicial 
to the said exemption, under the pain of deprivation and 
rebellion, at the conservator's instance, the one execution 
not prejudging the other." Yet, that they should not be 
thought excluded from the General Assembly, it was ap- 
pointed, " That the masters and regents of the university 
should meet when any such occasion did offer, and condescend 
upon some three persons, of whom one should be elected by 
the foresaid council, to be present at the General Assembly 
for that year ; which person so chosen should not for the 
space of three years thereafter be employed in that commis- 
sion." These articles being openly recited in presence of 
his majesty, and of the whole members of the university, 
were accepted by the masters and regents, with solemn pro- 
mise of obedience. 

This summer there was a great business for the trial of 
witches. Amongst others one Margaret Atkin, being appre- 
hended upon suspicion, and threatened with torture, did con- 
fess herself guilty. Being examined touching her associates 
in that trade, she named a few, and perceiving her delations 
find credit, made offer to detect all of that sort, and to purge 
the country of them, so she might have her life granted. For 
the reason of her knowledge, she said, " Tliat they had a 
secret mark all of that sort, in their eyes, whereby she could 
surely tell, how soon she looked upon any, whether they 
were witches or not :" and in this she was so readily bcUeved, 
that for the space of three or four months she was carried 
from town to town to make discoveries in that kind. Many 
were brought in question by her delations, especially at Glas- 
gow, where divers innocent women, through the credulity of 

A. D, 1597.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 67 

the minister, Mr John Cowper, were condemned and put to 
death. In end she was found to be a mere deceiver (for the 
same persons that the one day she had declared guilty, the 
next day being presented in another habit she cleansed), and 
sent back to Fife, where first she was apprehended. At her 
trial she affirmed all to be false that she had confessed, either 
of herself or others, and persisted in this to her death ; which 
made many forthink their too great forwardness that way, 
and moved the king to recall the commissions given out against 
such persons, discharging all proceedings against them, except 
in case of voluntary confession, till a solid order should be 
taken by the Estates touching the form that should be kept 
in their trial. 

In the borders, at the same time, great troubles were 
raised by the broken men of Tindale and Readsdale, who 
made incursions on the Scots side, and wasted all the country 
of Liddisdale. The laird of Buccleuch, that had the keeping 
of those parts, to be repaired of that wrong, made a roade 
into England, and apprehending thirty -six of the doers, put 
them all to death, and brought away a great spoil. Sir 
William Bowes being sent to complain of this, after much 
debating it was agreed, that for keeping peace in the borders, 
hostages should be delivered of either side. Englishmen into 
Scotland, and as many Scots into England. But Buccleuch, 
faihng to deliver his in due time, was commanded, for satis- 
fying the queen, to enter himself into England, as he did, 
remaining there from October to February next. 

In the month of December a parliament was held at Edin- 
burgh, for restoring the forfeited lords to their lands and 
honours. Amongst the articles presented to this meeting 
by the commissioners of the Church, one was, " That the 
ministers, as representing the Church and Third Estate of 
the kingdom, might be admitted to give voice in parliament, 
according to the acts made in favours of the Church, and the 
liberty and freedom thereof." The king was earnest to have 
the article granted, and at last obtained an act to be made, 
whereby it was declared, " That such pastors and ministers 
as his majesty should please to provide to the place, title, and 
dignity of a bishop, abbot, or other prelate, at any time, 
should have voice in parliament as freely as any other eccle- 
siastical prelate had at any time bypast. And that all 

68 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1598. 

bishoprics then in his majesty's hands, and undisponed to any 
person, or which should liappen to fall void thereafter, should 
be only disponed to actual preachers and ministers in the 
Church, or to such other persons as should be found apt and 
qualified to use and exerce the office of a preacher or minister, 
and who, in their provisions to the said bishoprics, should 
accept in and upon them to be actual pastors and ministers, 
and according thereto should practise and exerce the same." 
As concerning the office of the said persons in the spiritual 
policy and government of the Church, the same was remitted 
to his majesty to be advised and agreed upon with the Gene- 
ral Assembly, at such time as his highness should think ex- 
pedient to treat with them thereupon; without prejudice in 
the meantime of the jurisdiction and discipline of the Church, 
established by acts of parhament, and permitted to general 
and provincial assemblies, and other presbyteries and sessions 
of the Church. 

This act gave occasion to the indicting of a General As- 
sembly, which convened at Dundee in March next ; where 
the king being present, did show, " That he had anticipated 
the time of the Assembly (for the appointment was at Stir- 
ling, the first Tuesday of May), that he might be resolved 
touching their acceptation of the place in parliament, with 
the form, manner, and number of persons that should be 
admitted to have voice ; and thereupon desired them to enter 
into a particular consideration of the whole points of the act ; 
and first to reason whether it was lawful and expedient that 
the ministers, as representing the whole Clmrch within the 
realm, should have voice in parliament or not. 

This question being long debated, first in private by some 
brethren selected to that purpose, then in the hearing of the 
whole Assembly, it was concluded, " That ministers might 
lawfully give voice in parliament, and other pubhc meetings 
of the Estate, and that it was expedient to have some always 
of that number present, to give voice in name of the Church." 
A second question being moved, touching the number of 
those that should have voice, it was agreed, " That so many 
should be appointed to give voice as of old had place in the 
papistical church, to wit, fifty-one persons, or thereby." 

Thirdly, touching the election of those that should have 
voice, it was resolved, " That the same did appertain partly to 

A. D. 1598.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 69 

his majesty, aud partly to the Church." And, because time 
could not permit the discussing of the rest of the points, as 
de modo eUgendi, what rent those ministers should have, 
whether they should continue in that office ad vitam or not, 
what their title should be, and the cautions to preserve them 
from corruption, with other the like circumstances, the pres- 
byteries were desired to consider the same throughly, and 
thereafter to meet in their synods all upon one day, to wit, 
the first Tuesday of June ; and having reasoned upon these 
heads, to direct three of their number to convene with his 
majesty (the advertisement being upon a month at least), and 
with the doctors of the universities, namely, Mr Andrew 
Melvill, Mr John Johnstone, Mr Robert Wilkie, Mr Robert 
Rollock, Mr Robert Howie, Mr Patrick Sharpe, and Mr 
James Martin, at such time and place as his majesty should 
think most convenient ; with power to them being so con- 
vened to treat, reason, and confer upon the said heads, and 
others appertaining thereto : and in case of agreement and 
uniformity of opinions, to conclude the whole question touch- 
ing voice in parliament ; otherwise in case of discrepance, to 
remit the conclusion to the next General Assembly. 

The commissioners' proceedings in the planting of the 
church of St Andrews were at the same time ratified ; but 
the provision of Edinburgh, which they had likewise con- 
cluded, made greater business. The king had been induced 
by the humble entreaty of Mr David Lindsay, Mr Robert 
Rollock, and Mr Patrick Galloway, to suffer the old ministers 
to preach again in their places, upon their faithful promises 
to observe the conditions following : — 

1 . That they should not in pulpit make any apology for 
themselves farther than to say, that they had satisfied his 
majesty touching their intentions in the day of the tumult, 
and that they condemned the raisers thereof, and all that 
took arms, or gave command or allowance thereunto, praising 
the calm and clement course his majesty hath taken in cen- 
suring the same. 

2. That they should at no time thereafter tax, quarrel, or 
reproach, directly or indirectly, privately or publicly, any 
inhabitant of Edinburgh that did show themselves affectionate 
to his majesty ; and if any of them should happen to fall in 

70 THE HISTORY OF THK [a. D. 1598. 

any offence meriting the censure of the church discipline, they 
should in the trial and censuring thereof use them indiffer- 
ently, as if they had never kithed contrary to the said 

8. That they should not in pulpit speak otherwise than 
reverently of his majesty's council and their proceedings, and 
in their sermons labour to imprint in the people's hearts a 
reverent conceit of his majesty and his actions, so far as in 
them lies ; and whenas they should hear any slanderous or 
offensive reports of his majesty or of any of his councillors, his 
or their intentions or proceedings, they should address them 
in all humility to his majesty, and with due reverence make 
him acquainted with the reports, receiving his majesty's own 
declaration therein, whereunto they should give credit, and 
generally should conform themselves to the order set down 
in the late General Assembly thereanent. 

4. That they should never hereafter refuse to give account 
of any of their speeches in pulpit, or of their proceedings 
elsewhere ; but when his majesty should require the same, 
they should plainly declare the truth of that they should be 
asked, in all humbleness and simplicity, without claiming to 
the general warrant of conscience not founded upon reason. 

The ministers upon these conditions being licensed to 
preach, and the town going on in dividing themselves in 
parishes, as they had promised, a leet was presented of some 
twelve persons, out of which number the commissioners of 
the Church were to elect four, besides the old ministers, to 
bear charge in that ministry, having his majesty's approba- 
tion. The four on whom the choice fell, were Mr Robert 
Rollock, principal of the College of Edinburgh ; Mr John 
Hall, minister at Leitli ; Mr Peter Hewat, and Mr George 
Robertson. Against the two last exception was taken be- 
cause of their youth, and that they were not men of that 
gravity which was required in ministers of such a place. Yet 
the commissioners, after trial taken of their quaUfication, 
proceeded, and decerned all the four to be admitted. 

Hereof the old ministers complained, with whom the Synod 
of Lothian joined, who repaired in great numbers to the 
Assembly, thinking to carry the matter by voices ; but when 
after a long contestation it came to be judged, the decreet of 

A. O. 1598,] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 71 

the commissioners was approved, and a new commission given 
to Mr David Lindsay, Mr Robert Pont, Mr Robert Rol- 
lock, Mr George Gladstanes, Mr Patrick Galloway, Mr 
James Nicholson, Mr Thomas Buchanan, and Mr John 
Duncanson, to place the ministers in their several parishes ; 
or if any should refuse to accept, to depose them from the 
function of the ministry, and plant the Church with such 
others as they should think meet. 

Meanwhile, because of the numbers that came from Lothian, 
an act was made, " That no presbytery should thereafter 
send above two or three ministers at most in commission to 
the Assembly, with one baron of the bounds, and one com- 
missioner from every burgh, Edinburgh excepted, who in all 
public meetings were allowed to have two." 

About the end of the Assembly, a motion was made for 
removing all offences conceived by his majesty against any of 
the ministers, and particularly against the ministers of Edin- 
burgh ; whereupon the king was pleased to declare, " That 
for any offences past he did freely remit them, and should 
never at any time call the same to mind, in hope they would 
so behave themselves in time coming, as they should still 
deserve his good opinion." And so did this meeting close 
with the great content of all ; Mr John Davidson only, a 
man given to contention, finding that things went not to his 
mind, especially in the planting of Edinburgh, to the ministry 
whereof he was always aspiring, did protest in his own name 
and in the name of certain other brethren, " That none of the 
conclusions taken in that Assembly should be of any force, in 
regard the same was not a free Assembly, but overawed by 
the king." The moderator inquiring if any of the brethren 
would adhere to his protestation, none was found, all con- 
demning it, and the uncivil form he used in making the same. 
He himself, as his custom was when he made any such 
trouble, fled away, and lurked a while, till his peace was again 

It was now thought that the planting of Edinburgh should 
receive no more delay, yet a new impediment cast in made 
no less ado than the former. Mr Robert Bruce had preached 
ordinarily in the town some ten years, but had not received 
ordination to the ministry ; and being urged therewith, re- 
fused, pretending the approbation of the General Assembly 

72 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1598. 

to be equivalent to an ordination. It was replied, " That 
the approbation he had of the Church was a license only to 
preach ; but being now to receive an office, it concerned them 
to observe the form prescribed by divers acts." But this not 
satisfying, he denied to yield in an iota to that which might 
question his former calling. And albeit it was offered to be 
declared at his entry, " That the ordination they used was 
not to question his former calHug, but rather to allow and 
confirm the same ;" he would not be content, except the 
declaration was given him in writing. This also yielded unto, 
a new difference arose among them upon the form of the 
declaration ; the commissioners offering to declare the law- 
fulness of his calling, and that the imposition of hands they 
were to use was not given him as a new entrance to the 
ministry, but as one that was taken to be entered to the charge 
of a particular flock ; he requii'ing to have it expressly said, 
" That they did acknowledge him a lawful pastor of Edin- 
burgh, as being called by the general Church thereto." 

Ten days and more were spent in the setting down of this 
form ; and after many alterations at last they came to agree 
on this, " That the commissioners did acknowledge his calling 
to be a pastor in Edinburgh lawful, and that the imposition 
of hands was not used as a ceremony of his ordination to the 
ministry, but of his ordination to a particular flock." The 
declaration thus formed, a day was appointed for his admis- 
sion, and Mr Robert Pont, Mr Thomas Buchanan, aud INIr 
James Nicholson, chosen to perform the same. Mr Robert 
Pont having preached, and beginning to show what was the 
business they met for, Mr Robert Bruce arose, and stepping 
into the pulpit, fell a-complaining of the strict forms where- 
with the commissioners had used him ; which the people 
hearing, such a tumult was raised, as to all appearance the 
ministry that was to use the imposition of hands had been in 
danger, if the commissioner INIr John Nicholson, a man well 
respected (being there as one of the elders, to testify the 
Church's consent to his admission), had not by his wise and 
grave speeches reduced them to quietness. Always the 
business was put off for that time. 

The king advertised of this was greatly offended, and com- 
manded the commissioners to cite Mr Robert Bruce, and 
censure him for the trouble he had made. He compearing 

A. D. 1598.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 73 

excused himself, laying the blame on the people ; and being 
charged under pain of deprivation to give obedience, and 
accept the charge after the form prescribed, was upon the 
ninth of IMay, the day assigned for his acceptation, admitted 
by Mr David Lindsay and Mr Alexander Douglas with im- 
position of hands. Thus ended that business, which made 
more noise than was needful, and was judged to proceed 
rather of wilfulness on his part than of any good zeal. 

The day appointed for the synod drawing near, the king 
sent William Melvill, commendator of Tongland, and Sir 
Patrick Murray to attend the Assembly of Fife, where it 
was supposed some new stirs should be made. The com- 
mission given them was, not to suffer any of the conclusions 
taken in the last General Assembly to be drawn in question, 
and to see that, in the other heads left undecided, nothing 
should be concluded definitive. But they found the synod 
more peaceable than was expected, and all things carried 
therein to the king's mind, Mr Thomas Buchanan, Mr 
George Gladstanes, and Mr John Fairfoul being chosen 
commissioners for meeting with those that should be sent 
from the other synods. 

The report of this gave the king hopes of a good issue to 
the conference intended ; whereupon letters were sent, 
desiring the doctors of the universities and commissioners 
of the synod to be at Falkland the twenty-ninth of July. 
There, after a long deliberation, it was with an unanime 
consent agreed, — 

1. Touching the manner of his election who should have 
voice in parliament, that the Church should name for each 
prelacy that was void six of their number, of whom the king 
should take one ; ,or if his majesty did not like any of those 
six, that as many others should be recommended by the 
Church, of which number he should accept one, without any 
more refusal. 

2. That the nomination should be made by the General 
i.\ssembly, with advice of the synods and presbyteries, who 
should present to the General Assembly in writing the 
names of the persons they esteemed fit, and have liberty to 
name persons, as well without as within the bounds of their 
jurisdiction : providing if there was any person within the 

74 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1598t 

bounds meet and qualified, he should be preferred, ccBteris 

3. Concerning his rent, that the churches being sufficiently 
planted, and no prejudice done to schook, colleges, and uni- 
versities already erected, he should be provided to all the 
rest of the prelacy whereunto he is preferred. 

4. The cautions to preserve him from corruption should 
be these : 

1st, That he should not propone to council, convention, or 
parhament, in name of the Church, any thing without 
express warrant and direction from the Church; neither 
should he consent nor keep silence in the said conventions, 
if any thing was moved prejudicial to the weal and hberty 
thereof, under pain of deposition from his office. 

2d, Next, he should be bound to give an account of his 
proceedings in the discharge of his commission to every 
General Assembly, and obtain their ratification of the same ; 
submitting himself to their judgment, without making any 
appeal, under the pain of infamy and excommunication. 

dd. He should content himself with that part of his bene- 
fice which should be given him for his living, and not hurt 
nor prejudice the rest of the ministers within his benefice, 
planted or to be planted, nor any other minister in the 
country whatsoever ; and this clause to be inserted in his 

Aith, He should not dilapidate his benefice in any sort, nor 
make any set or disposition thereof, without the special advice 
or consent of his majesty and the General Assembly : and, 
for the greater warrant, should interdict himself and be con- 
tent that inhibition be raised against him to that effect. 

bth, He should be bound to attend the congregation faith- 
fully at which he should be appointed minister, in all the 
points of a pastor, and be subject to the trial and censure of 
his own presbytery, or provincial assembly, as any other of 
the ministers that bear no commission. 

Qth, In the administration of discipline, collation of benefices, 
visitation, and other points of ecclesiastical government, he 
should neither usurp nor claim to himself any more power 
or jurisdiction than any of his brethren, except he be em- 
ployed, under pain of deprivation ; and in case he do usurp 
any part of the ecclesiastical government, the presbytery, 

A, D. 1598.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 75 

synod, or General Assembly opposing and making impedi- 
ment thereto, whatsoever he should do thereafter should be 
null ipso facto, without any declarator. 

7f/i, In presbyteries, provincial and general assembUes, he 
should behave himself in all things as one of the brethren, 
and be subject to their censure. 

%th. At his admission to the office of commissionary, he 
should swear and subscribe all these and other points neces- 
sary, otherwise he should not be admitted. 

dth, If it should happen him to be deposed from the ministry 
by the presbytery, synod, or General Assembly, he should 
loose his place in parliament, and the benefice be void ipso 

10th, That he should be called commissioner of such or such 
a place, if so the parliament may be induced by his majesty 
to accept that title, otherwise the General Assembly should 
consider and determine the same ; as also how long he should 
continue in office, whether ad vitam, except some offence 
make him unworthy, or for a shorter space, at pleasure of 
the Church. 

It was neither the king's intention nor the minds of the 
wiser sort to have these cautions stand in force, (for to sub- 
ject the decrees of parliament to the Assembly, as in the 
second caution, or to interdict churchmen, as in the fourth, 
and serve inhibitions upon them, were things absurd ;) but to 
have matters peaceably ended, and the reformation of the 
policy made without any noise, the king gave way to these 
conceits, knowing that with time the utility of the govern- 
ment which he purposed to have established would appear, 
and trusting that they whom he should place in these rooms 
would by their care for the Church, and their wise and good 
behaviour, purchase to themselves the authority which 

He had also matters of greater importance in hand, which 
made him desire to be settled in some sort with the Church ; 
for in June preceding he had directed an ambassage to the 
princes of Germany, wherein David bishop of Aberdeen 
and Sir Peter Young his eleemosynar, men of good abilities 
and learning, were employed. Their commission was, to 
inform the princes of bis right and title to the crown of Eng- 

76 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1598. 

land after the death of the queen Ehzabcth, and to request 
their assistance, if he should stand in need thereof. The 
queen was then stricken in years, and divers libels and 
pamphlets divulged against his title to that crown, Avhich 
made him careful to have his friends rightly informed, and 
to understand what aid he might expect if opposition should 
be made. " Not that ho minded (this they were willed to 
declare) to wrong or offend the queen in any sort, whom he 
bved and honoured as his mother, wishing her many good 
and happy days, but only to strengthen himself against un- 
just pretenders"; and if in the mean time they should be 
pleased by a common ambassage to entreat the queen to 
declare in her own time the right successor, for preventing 
the plots and practices of enemies, he would take it for a 
singidar friendship at their hands." 

It was a painful ambassage, and by them faithfully dis- 
charged; for taking their journey by Denmark, as they 
were directed, and receiving letters commendatory from 
that king to the princes, they travelled to Udalrick duke 
of Mecklenburg, Maurice landgrave of Hesse, Frederick 
duke of Saxony and administrator of the electorate, Henry 
duke of Brunswick, John Adolphe diie of Sleswick, and 
Joachim marquis of Brandenburg ; and having communicated 
their message to them all severally, returned not before 
the end of the year. Of all the princes they obtained 
one answer in substance, which was, " That albeit his 
majesty's right was not unknown unto them, they did esteem 
it an act of great wisdom in him to make his friends 
acquainted with the exceptions taken against his title, that 
Avhen occasion required nothing might be wanting that lay in 
their power. But to move the queen for declaring her suc- 
cessor, they held it dangerous, and feared it should not so 
much promove the business as offend her. Always they 
should advise, and take counsel with their confederates and 
allies, and follow the course which was most likely for his 
benefit." This was the sum of the answer they returned. 

The twenty-fourth of December the queen was brought 
to the bed of another daughter, who was christened in the 
chapel of Halyrudhouse the fifteenth of April, by Mr David 
Lindsay, minister of Leith, and named Margaret. The carl 
of Montrose (created chancellor in January preceding), with 

A. ». 1598.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 77 

the Lord Hamilton and carl of Huntly, assisted as witnesses. 
These last two were at the same time preferred to the 
honour and dignity of marquises. 

There died within the compass of this year divers worthy 
men, amongst whom Mr John Lindsay of Balcarres, secre- 
tary to the king, shall first be named ; a man honourably 
descended, of exquisite learning, and a sound judgment, held 
worthy by all men of the place he had in the senate, both 
for his wisdom and integrity : he died of the stone, where- 
with he had been pained many years. 

Next to him Mr David Carnegy of CoUuthie, a wise, 
peaceable, and sober man, in good credit and estimation with 
the king, and taken into his pi'ivy council for his skill and 
knowledge in civil affairs. 

And in the Church, Mr Thomas Buchanan, provost of 
Kirkheuch and minister of Ceres ; a man learned, wise, and 
a strong defender of the Church's rights : having attained 
to a good age, he died of a bruise which he received of a fall 
from his horse. 

David Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline, of the age of 
sixty-five, departed also this life the same year ; a good 
preacher, wise, and of a jocund and pleasant disposition, 
which made him well regarded both in the court and country. 

But the death of Mr Robert Rollock, taken away in the 
forty-third year of his age, and in the time when the Church 
had greatest need of his service, was beyond all the rest 
lamented. This man was born not far from Stirling, and 
trained up in letters under Mr Thomas Buchanan, who did 
then keep a famous school in that town. He passed his 
course in philosophy at St Andrews, and no sooner received 
the degree of a Master in Arts, than he was chosen regent 
of the college of St Salvator, where he had studied. In 
the year 1583, he was removed to Edinburgh, and made 
principal of a college which the town had there erected ; 
where by his lectures of divinity in the schools, and his ser- 
mons to the people (in both which he was assiduous), he came 
to be greatly esteemed. But the seventeen days' tumult and 
troubles that followed thereupon withdrawing him against 
his mind to the keeping of assemblies and other commissions 
of the Church, he was thereby much weakened ; for he was 
of an infirm body, and grievously pained with the stone. 

78 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1599. 

■whereof at last he died. In his sickness, being visited by his 
brethren of the ministry, amongst other pious exliortations, 
he did earnestly beseech them to carry themselves more 
dutifully towards the king, lamenting he should be so ill used 
by some of their number ; and gave them a most comfortable 
farewell. His torments were extreme, yet was he not heard 
to use an impatient word, but was still calling on God, with 
these and the hke sayings, " Haste, Lord Jesus, and tarry 
not, put in thy hand and take this soul away to thyself." 
At other times, " Go out, silly life, that the better life of 
God may enter in." Drawing near his end, he repeated a 
part of the sixth psalm, and framing a most pithy prayer out 
of the same, as one exulting after victory, he cried aloud, 
" Christ hath taken my yoke to bear, and now strengthened 
by his grace I will follow ;" with which words he yielded up 
his spirit. A rare example of holiness he was both in his 
life and death ; albeit, now dead, still preacheth by liis learned 
works, which it is pity should not be collected in one volume, 
and preserved to posterity. He deceased the last of Feb- 
ruary, and had his corpse honourably interred in the burial- 
place, an innumerable multitude of people accompanying the 
same to the grave. 

To return to the Estate : The necessities of the king by 
foreign ambassages and other extraordinary employments 
daily increasing, he was forced to look the more nar- 
rowly to the administration of his rents ; for the ill managing 
whereof the laird of Wedderburn was put from his place, and 
the office of controllery given to Sir David Murray, who was 
afterwards preferred to the lordship of Scone. The prior 
of Blantyre, who was treasurer, for that he had offended the 
king by his partial behaviour in an action betwixt Mr Robert 
Bruce and the ministers of Angus, was committed in the 
castle, and forced to resign his office, which was conferred 
upon the earl of Cassils by his lady's procurement. She 
was the widow of the Lord Thirlstane, and said to be wealthy, 
which induced him to take her to wife, against the counsel of 
all his friends, who could not away with the imparity of their 
age, he being a young nobleman never matched to any, and 
she a woman past childbirth. But the desire he had to keep 
his estate made him take that course ; and she loving to stay 
at court and have her husband a ruler of affairs, made offer 

A. D. 1599.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 79 

to advance some moneys, so as he might carry the place, 
whicli was readily accepted. Yet was it not long before they 
did both forthink the bargain, being pressed with a multitude 
of precepts for the laying forth of money, and so were glad 
to quit the office, with the loss, as was said, of forty thousand 
marks, which he did advance at his entry. In his place was 
the Lord Elphingston chosen, by the recommendation of his 
brother, then secretary. 

Whilst these things were adoing in com*t. Sir William 
Bowes came ambassador from England, upon some rumours 
that the king was declining to popery, and had offered his 
obedience to the bishop of Rome by a letter, the copy whereof 
was brought by the master of Gray from Rome, and showed 
to the queen, of purpose to divide the two princes, and dis- 
solve the amity which was amongst them. 

The queen, though she did take the letter to be feigned, 
and that the same was devised to breed a jealousy between 
her and the king, thought meet to advertise what was ru- 
moured, and to advise him not to build upon the friendship of 
Rome. The king did take the advertisement well, and made 
the ambassador very welcome, assuring him that these were 
false and feigned calumnies, neither did the king think any 
other at that time. Such a letter indeed was sent to the 
pope, and the king's hand surreptitiously gotten thereto, for 
which the secretary, Mr James Elphingston, was some years 
after, upon his own confession, convicted, as we shall hear. 

Whilst this ambassador remained in the country, there 
fell out an accident which had almost wrought great trouble. 
An Englishman called Ashfield, who had brought some hunt- 
ing-horses to the king, and cunningly abused the English 
warden, did make his abode at court, and was there Avell 
entertained. The ambassador, whether desired by the queen 
or the warden it is uncertain, caused some of his servants 
keep company with the man, and allure him one day to Leith, 
where having drunk liberally, he was by coach, instead of 
returning to court, carried to Berwick. This being told the 
king, he was greatly offended, and giving order to watch the 
ambassador's lodging, sent to Berwick to bring back the man. 
The governor prayed the king to have him excused, for that 
the man being come within his charge, he could not dimit 
him without the queen's knowledge. 

80 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1599. 

The king receiving this answer, did challenge the ambas- 
sador, as not having carried himself dutifully, and wronged 
both him and the country : but he denying the fact, affirmed 
the same to have been contrived by two of his servants with- 
out his knowledge and direction. This none did believe, 
neither did the king vouchsafe him any more countenance. 
Whereupon he parted in a great discontent. 

Soon after the king went to St Andrews for a new visit of 
the university, where it was ordained, " That there should 
be yearly, upon the third of March, a dean of faculty of 
theology elected by the doctors, the ministers resident within 
the city, and the principal masters of the colleges ; which 
dean so chosen should have the like privilege and jurisdiction 
upon the students and professors of theology, that the deans 
of philosophy had by the foundation over the professors 
thereof: with express provision, that he who was elected 
dean, should not till after three years space be received again 
into the office." 

Other conclusions were also taken for distributing the stu- 
dents of theology in classes, and their yearly examination ; 
but were ill observed. 

At this time came forth sundry discourses touching the 
succession of the crown of England, some oppugning, some 
maintainino' the king's title. Amongst others Mr John Col- 
vill, taking upon him one of the opposite treatises, did publish 
a recantation, wherein having confuted all the contrary rea- 
sons, he professed, that of malice in time of his exile he had 
penned the treatise, which then out of conscience he refuted. 
This was believed of many, and helped greatly to discredit 
the adversary writings ; yet was he not the author of that 
which he oppugned; only to merit favour at the king's 
hands he did profess the work that came forth without a name 
to be his : and indeed a more pithy and persuasive discourse 
was not penned all that time in that subject. 

The same year did the king publish his Doron Basilicon 
upon this occasion. Sir James Semplc, one of his majesty's 
servants (whose hand was used in transcribing that treatise), 
upon an old familiarity with Mv Andrew Melvill, did give it 
him to read ; who offending with some passages that touched 
the ministry and present discipline, took copies thereof, and 
dispersed the same amongst the ministers. Thereupon a 


libel was formed, and cast in before the synod of St Andrews, 
wherein the passages at which they excepted being first set 
down, it was asked, " What censure should be inflicted upon 
him that had given sudi instructions to the prince (for the 
treatise was directed to Prince Henry), and if he could be 
thought well aiFected to religion, that had delivered such 
precepts of government." Sir Patrick Murray and Mr 
James Nicholson being present in the synod as commissioners 
for the king, and apprehending the libel to concern his ma- 
jesty, made diligent inquiry to find out the presenters. The 
whole number pretending ignorance, the commissioners com- 
manded the doors to be shut, and the roll of the ministers' 
names to be called, who being put to their oath one by one 
did purge themselves ; yet was it tried the very next day to 
be laid on the table by Mr John Dikes, minister at Anstruther, 
who being therefore cited before the council, was fugitive and 
denounced rebel. The rumour by this occasion dispersed, 
that the king had left certain directions to his son prejudicial 
to the Church and religion, he took purpose to publish the 
work ; which being come abroad, and carried to England, it 
cannot be said how well the same was accepted, and what an 
admiration it raised in all men's hearts of him, and of his 
piety and wisdom. Certain it is, that all the discourses that 
came forth at that time (and those were not a few), for main- 
taining his right to the crown of England, prevailed nothing 
so much as did this treatise against which such exceptions 
had been taken. 

In the end of the year happened some new jars betwixt 
the king and the ministers of Edinburgh, because of a com- 
pany of English comedians whom the king had licensed to 
play within the burgh. The ministers offending with the 
liberty given them, did exclaim in their sermons against 
stage-players, their unruliness and immodest behaviour ; and 
in their session made an act prohiiiiting people to resort unto 
their plays under pain of the Church censm*es. The king- 
taking this to be a discharge of his license, called the session 
before the council, and ordained them to annul their act, and 
not to restrain the people from going to th-o&Q comedies, which 
they promised, and accordingly performed ; whereof pubHca- 
tion was made the day after, and all that pleased permitted 
to repair unto the same, to the offence of the ministers. 

VOL. III. 6 

82 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1600. 

The next year, which by public ordinance was appointed 
to have the beginning at the calends of January, and from 
thenceforth so to continue (for before that time, the year with 
us was reckoned from the twenty-fifth of March), there was 
an Assembly kept at Montrose, the twenty-eighth of March, 
where the king himself was present. Therein that great 
business of the Church's voice in parliament was determined; 
and first, the conclusions taken at Falkland in July 1598 
were ratified. Then touching the continuance of those that 
should be chosen to give voice for the Church, it was, after 
much debating, concluded, '* That he who was admitted 
should yearly render an account of his commission to the 
General Assembly, and kiying the same down at their feet, 
should be therein continued ; or if his majesty and the As- 
sembly did think it fit to employ another, he should give 
place to him that was appointed." Two caveats more were 
adjoined to the former. One was, " That they who had 
voice in parliament should not have place in the General 
Assembly, unless they were authorized by a commission from 
the presbyteries whereof they were members." The other 
caveat was, " That crimen ambitus should be a suflicient 
reason to deprive him both of his place and office." And 
now there rested no more but to nominate persons to tlie 
bishoprics that were void. Aberdeen and Argyle liad their 
own incumbents at the time, both actual preachers; St 
Andrews and Glasgow were in the hands of the duke of 
Lennox ; Murray possessed by the Lord Spynie ; Orkney 
by the earl of Orkney ; Dunkeld, Brechin, and Dunblane 
had their own titulars, but these were not ordinary preachers; 
Galloway and the Isles were so dilapidated as scarce they 
were remembered to have been. Only in Ross and Caith- 
ness some provision was left, whereunto, by consent of the 
Church, Mr David Lindsay and Mr George Gladstanes 
were presented ; the first to the bishopric of Ross, the other 
to Caithness ; who, not the less, continued still serving in 
their churches at Leith and St Andrews, for as yet they 
could not find any settling in their dioceses. Besides the 
conclusion taken in this business, divers other good acts were 
concluded at that time, as may be seen in the Book of 

Some three weeks before this convention, John Dury, 


minister at Montrose, departed this lite. He was born at 
Maueidine, a little village in the country of Kyle, and trained 
up a while in letters in the town of Ayr ; after which he was 
sent to George Dury, his cousin, abbot of Dunfermline, and 
placed by him among the monks of that abbey, where he 
lived three years. Then falling in some suspicion of that 
which they called heresy, and delated thereof to the abbot, 
after trial taken he was condemned to be immured, that is, 
to be shut up between two walls till he died. Yet by the 
means his friends made with that worthy nobleman, the carl 
of Arran, he was delivered, and shortly after the Reforma- 
tion admitted to tlie ministry ; in which he served first at 
Hailes, near to Edinburgh, then at Leith, and when the civil 
troubles ceased, translated to Edinburgh, where he continued 
minister the space of ten years. A man earnest and zealous 
in every thing he gave'himself unto, but too credulous (a fault 
incident to the best natures), and easily abused by those ho 
trusted ; which bred him great trouble whilst he remained 
at Edinburgh. In Montrose, where he was at first confined, 
and whereof soon after he became minister, he lived well 
respected, and in great quietness, making it appear that the 
many contests and strifes he had in former times proceeded 
not from his own disposition so much as from the suggestion 
of others ; for all the sixteen years he lived there, no man 
did carry himself with greater modesty, nor in a more dutiful 
obedience, and was therefore well beloved and esteemed by 
the king. He wished earnestly to have lived unto the meet- 
of the A^^-scrably, that he might have declared his mind touch- 
ing the matters then in hand ; but Avhen he perceived his 
sickness increasing, and that he should not continue so long, 
he entreated some brethren that did visit him, to show the 
Assembly, as from him, " That there was a necessity of re- 
storing the ancient government of the Church, because of the 
unruliness of young ministers, that could not be advised by 
the elder sort nor kept in order ; and, since both the estate of 
the Church did require it, and that the king did labour to 
have the same received, he wished them to make no trouble 
therefor, and to insist only with the king that the best mi- 
nisters, and of greatest experience, might be preferred to 
places." This as he directed was reported to the Assembly, 
and of the greatest part well received ; for ho was certainly 

84 THE UISTOHY t)l lllli [a. D. IGOO. 

a sound-hearted man, and fur from all dissimulation, ever 
professing what he thought, and following tlie course that he 
held most expedient for the Church. To the poor he was 
exceeding helpful, compassionate of those that were in any 
distress, and merciful even when he seemed most severe. He 
died the last day of February, in the sixty-third year of his 

It was in August this year that the conspiracy of Gowrie 
fell forth ; a conspiracy plotted by him alone, and only com- 
municated to Mr Alexander, his brother, two youths of great 
hope, at whose hands no man could have expected such an 
attempt. Their father had been taken away by form of 
justice in the year 1584, whilst the king was yet minor, and 
forced he was unto it as unto many other things that agreed 
not with his mind. But the care he took of the nobleman's 
children, and kindness wherewith he used them, did show 
how much he disliked that proceeding ; for he restored the 
eldest to his father's honour and living, his brother Alexander 
he made one of his bed-chamber, a sister of theu's he pre- 
ferred to be chief maid about his queen, and had a purpose 
to advance the earl himself to a principal office in the king- 
dom. Such and so great benefits might have endeared the 
most barbarous and hard-hearted. But benefits arc no be- 
nefits to the malicious, and those that are set for revenge. 
The device was to allure the king to the eail's house in 
Perth, and there to kill him. The king was then remaining 
in Falkland, and one day early in the morning (it was the 
fifth of August), as he was going to take his sport in the 
park, Alexander meets him, and telleth that his brother had 
intercepted a man, a Jesuit, as he supposed, with a great 
quantity of gold, and that he kept the man fast in his house 
at Perth, and sent him with the news, praying the king to 
make haste, for that he doubted not he should learn things 
woi-thy of his travel. The Idng moving some questions 
touching the man's stature and habit, and the place where 
he was taken, received no other answer, bnt that his bi'otlicr 
would satisfy him in all those things at his coming ; which 
put him in a suspicion that the gentleman was distracted, for 
he observed in him some perturbation ; yet, because of the 
instance he made, he yielded to go, willing liim to ride back, 
and show that he would be with his brother before dinner. 


A. D. 1600.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 85 

After a short chase and a buck killed, the king made to- 
wards Perth, accoinpanied with the duke of Lennox, the earl 
of Mar, and a few gentlemen moi-e, all in their hunting-coats. 
By the way, the king did ask the duke of Lennox if he had 
known Mr Alexander (for the duke had married his sister) 
at any time troubled or distempered in his wits. The duke 
answering -that he had never known any such thing in him, 
the king insisted no farther. Being come to the town, the 
Earl Gowrie did meet him, and was noted by all the company 
to be in some trouble of mind, the very imagination of the 
fact he went about perplexing his thoughts. But he coloured 
all with the want of entertainment, saying, that ho did not 
expect the king, and that his dinner was not prepared. The 
king wishing him not to trouble himself with those thoughts, 
because a little thing would content him, and for the noble- 
men a part of his own dinner would suffice them, they dis- 
coursed of hunting and other common matters till meat was 
dressed. How soon the king had taken a little refreshment, 
and the lords were placed at table in another room, Mr 
Alexander did sound in the king's ear, that the time was fit 
whilst the lords were at dinner to go and examine the 
stranger. At which word the king arose, and went up stairs, 
Mr Alexander going before him. The king did call Sir 
Thomas Erskine (afterwards carl of Kelly) to follow him ; 
but Mr Alexander turning at the door, after the king was 
entered, said that the king willed him to stay below, where- 
upon Sir Thomas went back. Thus the door was shut, and 
Mr Alexander guiding him to an inner room, the king did 
perceive a man standing alone, whereupon he asked if that 
was the man. Nay, said Mr Alexander, there is another 
business in hand; and with that word covering his head, 
" You remember," said he, " how you used my father, and 
now must you answer for it." " Your father ?" answered the 
king, " I was not the cause of his death ; it was done in my 
minority by form of justice. But is this your purpose, and 
have you trained me hither to murder me ? Did you learn 
this lesson of Mr Robert Rollock your master ? or think you, 
when you have done your will, to go unpunished?" Mr 
Alexander, stricken with the speeches, and the man who was 
placed there to assist him trembled for fear, desired the king 
to be quiet, and make no noise, for that he would go speak 

86 THE IIISTOHY OK THK [a. D. 1600. 

with his brother, and pacify hiin. This said, he went down 
a back way, as it seemed to the court below. 

Whether he did meet with his brother at that time or not 
is unknown, but his stay was short, and when he returned, 
he said to the king, " There is no remedy, you must die." 
Then making as though he would have tied the king's hands, 
they fell a-w^-estling, and the king drawing him by force to 
a window in the corner that looked toward the street, as ho 
espied the earl of Mar, cried, " Help, earl of INlar, help." 
The voice and words were discerned by all the lords and 
gentlemen, who thereupon ran to seek the king by the way 
that went up ; but the doors being shut, there was no entry 
that way till the same was broke by force, which took up a 
large time. Upon the first cry, Sir Thomas Erskine, sus- 
pecting treason, did flee upon Gowrie, and taking him by the 
gorge, said, " Thou art the traitor ;" but they were quickly 
sundered by his servants that stood by. The first that came 
to the king was a page called John Ramsay, who falling upon 
a back passage by which the traitors, after the deed com- 
mitted, had purposed to escape, found the king and Mr 
Alexander struggling. The king calling to him and bidding 
him strike the traitor, he gave Mr Alexander two or three 
wounds with his dagger, and so parted him from the king. 
The man who was placed there to assist Mr Alexander did 
steal away secretly ; and he himself, perceiving that the 
treason was discovered, made down the stairs, where being 
encountered by Sir Thomas Erskine, and asked how the king 
was, because he gave no direct answer, and only said, " That 
he took God to witness that he was not in the fault," he 
thrust him through the body with his sword, and killed him 

Sir Thomas was followed by Hugh Hereise, doctor of 
medicine, and a foot-boy named Wilson, who seeing the king 
safe were not a little joyed, and placing him in a little room, 
and shutting the door, they prepared to defend the entry. 
Gowrie accompanied with three or four servants breaketh 
presently into the chamber, and with his two swords, one in 
each hand, puts them all to their shift, and had undoubtedly 
overthrown them, but that one of the company crying, " You 
have killed the king our master, and will you also take our 
lives?" he became astonished, and setting tlic points of hi.** 

A. D. 1600.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 87 

two swords to the earth, as if he minded to cease from any 
more fight, he was instantly stricken by tlie page with a 
rapier which pierced the heart, so as he fell down dead. 
The servants, seeing him fall, made away ; only Mr Thomas 
Cranston being sore wounded, and not able to shift for him- 
self, was apprehended. In this fight. Sir Thomas Erskine and 
Doctor Hereise were both hurt, but nothing dangerously. 

By this time the doors of the other passage being made 
open, the lords and a number with them entered into the 
room, who hearing what happened went all to their knees, 
and the king himself, conceiving a prayer, gave thanks to 
God for his deliverance, and that the device of those wicked 
brothers was turned upon their own heads. The danger 
that ensued was not much less, for the people of the town 
taking arms did environ the house, crying " to give them out 
tlieir provost, otherwise they should blow them all up with 
pov/der." The rage of the multitude was great (for they 
loved the earl, as being their provost, beyond all measure), 
and with great difficulty were they kept back from using vio- 
lence ; at last the bailies and certain of the citizens being 
admitted to enter and brought to the king, when they were 
informed of the truth of things, returned and pacified the 
people. After which the king took horse and returned to 
Falkland, where he was welcomed (the rumour of the danger 
having prevented^ his coming) with great acclamations of 

It was observed, not without some wondering, that after 
Gowrie was killed there issued no blood for a good space 
from his body, till his girdle being loosed and taken from him, 
the same gushed forth in abundance. This was supposed to be 
the eiFect of some characters that he did always carry in a 
little bag at his girdle, which being viewed, were found to be 
certain spells of necromancers, and added much to the infamy 
of his death. 

A dihgent search was made the days following for the 
man the king saw standing in the room, and large rewards 
promised to those that should find him out. In this search 
one of the earl's servants, called Henry Younger, hiding him- 
self out of an idle fear among some growing corns, was lulled, 
and for some days supposed to have been the man ; till 
' Anticipated. 


Andrew Henderson, cliamberlain to Gowrie, discovering 
himself to the comptroller, did offer upon promise of his life 
to enter and sliow all that he knew in that business. Another 
of Gowrie's servants surnanied Craigengelt was some two 
days after apprehended, and both he and Mr Thomas Cran* 
ston executed at Perth ; though at their dying they declared 
that they knew nothing of the earl's purpose, but had only 
followed him as being tlieir master unto that room, where if 
tliey had known the king to have been, they would have 
stood for him against their master and all others. 

Henderson at his examination declared, that, the night 
preceding the attempt, the earl had directed him to attend 
his brother Mr Alexander, and do what he commanded. 
That accordingly he accompanied him the next morning to 
Falkland ; and when they were returned, being commanded 
by Mr Alexander to dress hbnself in his armour, and go 
•wait till he came unto him in that upper room, he obeyed. 
But that he could not imagine any purpose against the king, 
either in him or in the earl, nor would have believed it un- 
less he had seen the same with his eyes. Being demanded 
■why he did not take the king's part when he did see them 
fall a-wrestUng, he excused himself by a sudden fear that 
overtook him in the time ; and indeed he looked ever after 
that time as one half-distracted. It was much marvelled that 
in so high an attempt the earl should have made choice of 
such a one ; but the man Avas of a servile spirit, and apt 
enough to do mischief; and many have conjectured that, if 
the treason liad taken effect, it was in the earl's purpose to 
have made away both his brother and him, that he might not 
be supposed to have had an}- knowledge thereof. I remem- 
ber myself that meeting with Mr William Cowper. then 
minister at Perth, the third day after in Falkland, he showed 
me that, not many days before that accident, visiting by 
occasion the earl at his own house, he found him reading a 
book entituled, De conjiirationibus adversus Priucipes : and 
havhig asked him what a book it was, he answered, " That 
it was a collection of the conspiracies made against princes, 
•which he said were foolishly contrived all of them, and faulty 
either in one point or other ; for lie that goeth about such a 
business should not (said he) put any man on his counsel." 
And he not liking such discourses, desired him to lay away 

A. 1). 1600.] cHuncii ov Scotland. 89 

such books, and read others of a better subject. I verily 
think he was then studying how to go beyond all conspirators 
recorded in any history ; but it pleased God, who giveth 
salvation to kings, as the psalm speaketh, to infatuate his 
counsels, and by his ensaraple to admonish all disloyal and 
traitorous subjects to beware of attempting against their 

Advertisement sent the next day to the council, which then 
remained at Edinburgh, the ministers of the town were called 
and desired to convene their people, and give thanks unto 
God for his majesty's deliverance. They excusing them- 
selves, as not being acquainted with the particulars, nor how 
those things had fallen out ; it was answered, that they were 
only to signify how the king had escaped a great danger, 
and to stir up the people to thanksgiving. They replied, 
" That nothing ought to be delivered in pulpit but that 
whereof the truth was known, and that all which is uttered 
in that place shoiild be spoken in f dth." When by no per- 
suasion they could be moved to perform that duty, it was 
resolved that the council should go together to the market- 
cross, and that the bishop of Ross should, after a narration 
of the king's danger and deliverance, conceive a public 
thanksgiving, which was done, the multitude applauding and 
expressing a great joy. 

The Monday following the king came to Edinburgh, ac- 
companied with divers noblemen and barons, and heard a 
sermon preached at the cross by Mr Patrick Galloway, who 
choosing the hundred and twenty-fourth psalm for his theme, 
did take occasion to discourse of all the particulars of that 
conspiracy, and gave the people great satisfaction : for many 
doubted that ther§ had been any such conspiracy, " The 
condition of princes being," as the Emperor Domitian said, 
" herein miserable, that even when conspiracies made against 
their persons are discovered, yet they are not credited, unless 
they be slain." The next day the king in a solemn council 
kept at Kalyrudhouse, to testify his thankfulness for his 
deliverance, and to perpetuate .the memory thereof, did mor- 
tify for the entertainment of some poor men the rent of a 
thousand pounds yearly to be taken of the readiest fruits of 
the abbacy of Scone, and ordained an honoura-ble reward to 
be given to the three gentlemen that had been the instru- 

90 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1600. 

ments of his preservation, and the cause of the reward to be 
specified in their patents. 

After this, order was taken for a public and solemn thanks- 
giving to be made in all the churches of the kingdom, and 
the last Tuesday of September with the Sunday following 
appointed for that exercise. 

The ministers of Edinburgh, who gave the refuse, were 
commanded to remove themselves out of the town within 
forty-eight hours, and inhibited to preach within his majesty's 
dominions imdcr pain of death. jVIr Walter Balcanquel, Mr 
WiUiam Watson, and Mr John Hall, three of that number, 
compearing at Stirling the 10th of September, and declaring, 
that they were thoroughly r-esolved of the truth of Gowrie's 
conspiracy, and willing to amend their former fault, were 
pardoned, upon condition that, before their return to Edin- 
burgh, they should in the churches appointed to them pub- 
licly preach, and declare their persuasion of the truth of that 
treason, craving God and his majesty forgiveness for the 
question they made thereof, and rebuking all such as con- 
tinued in that doubtfulness. The churches designed to them 
were Tranent, INIusselburgh, and Dalkeith, for Mr Walter 
Balcanquel ; Dunbar and Dunse, for Mr William ^^'atson ; 
and for Mr John Hall, Dunfermline, St Andrews, and Perth. 

Mr James Balfour, the day following, upon the like con- 
fession, was remitted, and ordained to publish his resolution 
in the chui'ches of Dandce, Montrose, Aberbrothock, and 

But Mr Robert Bruce, taking a course by himself, and 
saying, " He would reverence his majesty's reports of that 
accident, but could not say he was persuaded of the truth 
of it," was banished the king's dominions, and went into 

The fifteenth of November a parliament was held at Edin- 
burgh, wherein sentence of forfeiture was pronounced against 
Gowrie and Mr Alexander his brother, their posterity dis- 
inherited, and, in detestation of the parricide attempted, the 
whole surname of Ruthvcn abolished. But this last was 
afterwards dispensed with, and such of that name as were 
known to be innocent tolerated by tlie king's clemency to 
enjoy their surnames and titles as in former times. The 
bodies of the two brothers being brouglit to the Parliament 


A. D. 1600.] CHURCH Ol" SCOTLAND. 91 

House were, after sentence given, hanged upon a gibbet in 
the pubUc street, and then dismembered, their heads cut off 
and affixed upon the top of the prison-liouse. This done, the 
Estates, in acknowledgment of the favour and grace they all 
had received of God, by the miraculous and extraordinary 
preservation of his majesty from that treasonable attempt, 
did ordain, " That in all times and ages to come, the fifth of 
August should be solemnly kept with prayers, preachings, 
and thanksgiving for that benefit, discharging all work, 
labour, and other occupations upon the said day, which might 
distract the people in any sort from those pious exercises." 

Divers other good and profitable acts, as well for the 
Church as kingdom, Averc concluded in this parliament ; as 
the act decerning " all marriages contracted betwixt persons 
divorced for adultery to be null, and the children begotten 
by such unlawful conjunction incapable of succession to their 
parents' inheritance ;" as also the act made for removing 
and extinguishing of deadly feuds, which the king had ever 
striven to abolish, was in that time confirmed by the whole 

Upon the close of the parliament the king went to Dun- 
fermline to visit the queen, who was brought to bed of a son. 
The cjaristening was hastened because of the Aveakness of the 
child, and that his death was much feared. He was named 
Charles, and, contrary to the expectation of most men, grew 
unto years and strength, and surviving Prince Henry, his 
elder brother, reigns happily (at) this day over these king- 
doms ; which that he may long do is the desire and wish of 
all good subjects. 

In the end of the year Mr John Craig, that had been 
minister to the king, but through age was compelled to quit 
the charge, departed this hfe. This man Avhilst he lived 
was held in good esteem, a great divine and excellent preacher, 
of a grave behaviour, sincere, inclining to no faction, and, 
which increased his reputation, living honestly, without os- 
tentation or desire of outward glory. Many tossings and 
troubles ho endured in his time ; for being left young and his 
father killed at Flodden, after he had got an entrance in 
letters, and passed his course in philosophy in St Andrews, 
he went to England, and waited as pedagogue on the Lord 
Dacres his children, the space of two years. Wars then 

92 THE HISTORY OF THi: [a. D. 1600. 

arising betwixt the two realms, he returned home, and became 
one of the Dominican order ; but had not Uved long among 
them when, upon suspicion of heresy, he was put in prison. 
Being cleared of that imputation, he went back again into 
England, and thinking by the Lord Dacres' means to have 
got a place in Cambridge, because that failed, he went to 
France, and from thence to Rome. There he found such 
favour with Cardinal Pole, as by his recommendation he was 
received among the Dominicans of Bononia, and by them first 
appointed to instruct the novices of the cloister : afterwards, 
when they perceived his diligence and dexterity in businesses, 
he was employed in all their aftaii's throughout Italy, and 
sent in commission to Chios, an isle situated in the Ionic Sea, 
to redress things that were amiss amongst those of their 

Therein he discharged himself so well, that at his return 
he was made rector of the school, and thereby had access to 
the libraries, especially to that of the Inquisition ; where 
falling on the institutions of John Calvin, ho was taken with 
a great liking thereof, and one day conferring with a reverend 
old man of the monastery, w^as by him confirmed in the opi- 
nion he had taken, but withal warned in any case not to utter 
him.self, or make his mind known, because the times were 
perilous. Yet he neglecting the counsel of the aged man, 
and venting his opinions too freely, was delated of heresy, 
and being sent to Rome, after examination, imprisoned. Nine 
months he lay there in great misery ; at the end whereof, 
being brought before the judge of the Inquisition, and giving 
a clear confession of his faith, he was condemned to be burnt 
the next day, which was the nineteenth of August. 

It happened the same night Pope Paul the Fourth to 
depart this life ; upon the noise of whose death the people 
came in a tumult to the place where his statue in marble 
had been erected, and puUing it down, did for the space of 
three days drag the same through the streets, and in the 
end threw it in the river of Tiber. During the tumult all 
the prisons were broken open, the prisoners set free, and 
among those Mr Craig had his hberty. As he sought to 
escape (for he held it not safe to stay in the city), two things 
happened unto him not unworthy of relation. First, in the 
suburbs, as he was passing, he did meet a sort of loose men, 

A. D. 1600.] CHUKCH OF SCOTLAND. 93 

whom they called banditti ; one of the company, taking him 
aside, demanded if he had been at any time in Bononia. He 
answered that he had been some time there. Do you not 
then remember, said he, that walking on a time in the fields 
with some young noblemen, there came unto you a poor 
maimed soldier, entreating some relief? Mr Craig replying 
that he did not well remember. But I do, said he, and I 
am the man to whom you showed kindness at that time : be 
not afraid of us, ye shall incur no danger. And so convey- 
ing him through the suburbs, and showing what was his 
safest course, he gave him so much money as might make his 
charge to Bononia, for he intended to go thither, trusting to 
find some kindness with those of his acquaintance ; yet at his 
coming he found them look strange, and fearing to be of new 
trapped, he slipped away secretly, taking his course to 

By the way another accident befell hirn, which I should 
scarce relate, so incredible it seemeth, if to many of good 
place he himself had not often repeated it as a singular testi- 
mony of God's care of him, and this it was. When ho had 
travelled some days, declining the highways out of fear, he 
came into a forest, a wild and desert place, and being sore 
wearied lay down among some bushes on the side of a little 
brook to refresh himself. Lying there pensive and full of 
thoughts (for neither knew he in what part lie was, nor had 
he any means to bear him out the way), a dog cometh fawn- 
ing with a purse in his teeth, and lays it down before him. 
He stricken with a fear riseth up, and looking about if any 
were coming that way, Avhen he saw none, taketh it up, and 
construing the same to proceed from God's favourable provi- 
dence towards him, followed his way till he came to a little 
village, where he met with some that were travelling to 
Vienna in iVustria, and changing his intended course went in 
their company thither. 

Being there, and professing himself one of the Dominican 
order, he was brought to preach before Maximilian the 
Second, who, liking the man and his manner of teaching, 
would have retained him, if by letters from Pope Pius the 
Third he had not been required to send him back to Rome, 
as one that was condemned for heresy. The emperor not 
liking to deliver him, and on the other part not willing to 

94 THE HISTORY l)I' THE [a. D. IGOi. 

fall out with the pope, did quietly dimit him with letters of 
safe conduct. So travelling through Germany he came to 
England, and being there informed of the reformation begun 
at home, he returned into Scotland, and made offer of his 
service to the Church. But his long desuetude of the 
country language (which was not to be marvelled, consider- 
ing that he had lived abroad the space of twenty-four years), 
made him unuseful at first ; now and then to the learncder 
sort he preached in Latin in the Magdalen's Chapel at 
Edinburgh, and in the year 1561, after he had recovered 
the language, was appointed minister at Halyrudhouse. The 
next year he was taken to Edinburgh, and served as 
colleague with Mr Knox the space of nine years. Then by 
the ordinance of the Assembly he was translated to Montrose, 
where he continued two years, and upon the death of Adam 
Hej'iot was removed to Aberdeen, having the inspection of 
the churches of Mar and Buchan committed to his care. In 
the year 1579 he was called to be the king's minister, and 
served in that charge till, borne down with the weight of 
years, he was forced to retire himself. After which time, 
forbearing all public exercises, he lived private at home, 
comforting himself with the remembrance of the mercies of 
God that he had tasted in his life past ; and this year, on 
the twelfth of December, without all pain died peaceably at 
Edinburgh in the eighty-eighth year of his age. 

In the beginning of the next year there happened a great 
stir in the court of England, which, concerning the king in 
some sort, I must needs touch. The earl of Essex, who had 
been a long time in special favour with the queen, and was 
then upon some displeasure kept from the court, not endur- 
ing to be thrust down (as he complained) by his adversaries 
into a private life, did resolve to make his way unto the 
queen by force, to seize upon her person, and remove from 
her company those he judged to be his adversaries. But 
the purpose failing, he was taken himself, and committed to the 
Tower. A while before he had written letters to the king full 
of respect, informing that they who had the managing of all 
affairs under the queen were inclining to the infanta of 
Spain, and advising him to send ambassadors into England, 
and urge the declaration of his title of succession. Tlio 
king, though ho could have wished his title to be declared, 

A. D. 1601.] CHUllCH OF SCOTLAND. 95 

did not think that time tilting for such propositions ; yet 
upon the report of his apprehension he resolved to employ 
some in commission to the queen. And to this eifect made 
choice of the earl of Mar, joining with him the abbot of 
Kinloss ; who coming to the court some days after the 
execution of Essex, and having access to the queen, did 
congratulate her good success in repressing that audacious 
attempt. This she took well, and was glad to hear so much 
from thcra, because of the rumours which were then dis- 
persed, that Essex was made away for favouring the king of 
Scots' title, and that if the ambassadors had come in time 
they would have dealt for him. A good answer was here- 
upon given to all their instructions, and whereas, among 
other points of their commission, they were willed to seek an 
assignment of some portion of land in recompense of the 
lands belonging to the Lady Lennox, the king being her 
lawful heir ; the queen excusing herself touching the lands, 
was content to add to the annuity formerly paid the sum of 
two thousand pounds yearly, as long as he kept fast and 
held one course with her. Besides this satisfaction obtained 
of the queen, they did so work with the principal noblemen 
and councillors, as they won them to be the king's friends, 
and, at their return, gave his majesty assurance of a peace- 
able reception to that crown after the decease of the queen, 
which was some two years after really performed. 

Much about this time had Pope Clement the Eighth sent 
his breves (as they call them) into England, warning all the 
clergy and laity that professed the Roman faith, not to 
admit after the queen's death any man, how near soever in 
blood, to be king, unless he should bind himself by oath to 
promove the Catholic Roman religion at his power. And, at 
the same time, came Mr John Hamilton and Mr Edmond Hay, 
Jesuits, into Scotland, two factious and working spirits, and 
therefore much suspected by the king ; the first especially, 
for that he was known to have been a chief instrument of 
the seditions raised in the city of Paris in the time of the 
league. How soon the king understood of their repairing 
into the country, a proclamation was given out inhibiting their 
reset under the pain of treason. In this proclamation, to 
make them the more odious, they were compared to Bothwell 
and Gowrie; tho king declaring that he would judge no 

96 THK niSTODY OF THK [a. D. lOOl. 

otherwise of their resetters than of those that did treason- 
ably pursue his own Hfe. This notwithstanding, they found 
lurking-holes amongst the papists in the north, and kept the 
country till, after some years, that ]\Ir John Hamilton was 
apprehended and carried to the Tower of London, where he 

The church of Edinburgh remained all this while destitute 
of a number of their ministers, the conditions prescribed unto 
them when they were pardoned not being performed. Of 
the four, only Mr John Hall, having given obedience, was 
licensed to return to his charge ; the other three, upon I 
kiiow not what pretext, deferred to make their declaration, 
as was appointed, and were thereupon in the Assembly con- 
vened at Burntisland the twelfth of May, ordained to be 
transported from the ministry of Edinburgh, and placed in 
such parts of the country as the commissioners of the Church 
should think meet. This Assembly was called by his 
majesty's proclamation, partly for taking order with the 
church of Edinburgh, partly for repressing the growth of 
popery, which was then increasing ; and where it should 
have held at St Andrews, was, in regard of the king's indis- 
position, brought to Burntisland. 

Mr John Hall, being elected to moderate the meeting, did 
begin with a regrate of the general defection from the purity 
and practice of true religion, which he said was so great, 
that it must of necessity at last conclude either in popery or 
atheism, except a substantious remedy were in time provided. 
And because the ill could not be well cured unless the causes 
and occasions thereof should be ript up, he exhorteth those 
that were assembled to consider seriously both of the causes 
of the defection, and the remedies that were fittest to be 

After long conference, the causes were condescended to 
be, the wrath of God kindled against the land for the un- 
reverent estimation of the gospel, and the sins in all estates, 
to the dishonour of their profession ; lack of care in the 
ministry to discover apostates ; too hasty admission of men 
unto the ministry ; ministers framing themselves to the 
humours of people ; the desolation of the churches of Edin- 
burgh ; the advancing of men to places of credit that were 
ill-aftecled in religion ; the odnration of his majesty's cbi!- 


(Iren in the company of papists ; the training up of noble- 
men's children under suspect pedagogues; the decay of 
schools; and the not urging of the reconciled lords to 
perform their conditions. 

For remedy of the foresaid evils it was ordained, that a 
public humiliation should be kept throughout the realm the 
last two Sundays of June, with fasting and prayer, for 
appeasing the wrath of God kindled against the land ; that 
the ministers of every presbytery should after the dissolving 
of the Assembly take up the names of the recusants within 
their bounds, and send them to the king's ministers ; that 
places of greatest need should be furnished with learned and 
wise preachers, and in the meantime, till that might take 
eifect by a constant provision of ministers to those places, 
that the meetest for that purpose should be appointed to 
attend for a certain time in the families of the reconciled 
lords, for their better confirmation in the truth. The rest 
of the remedies resolved all in petitions to his majesty, for 
the planting of churches, the not permitting of those who 
were under process for popery to have access to court, and a 
care to be taken of the good education of the children of 
noblemen. To all which the king gave favourable answers ; 
and for the removing of the princess his daughter from the 
Lady Livingstone, which was earnestly entreated by the 
whole Assembly, his majesty did promise to bring her to his 
own house before the terra of Martinmas next. 

Whilst mattei's were thus proceeding, there was dehvered 
a letter sent by Mr John Davidson to the Assembly, where- 
in, as if he would awake his brethren fallen asleep, he began 
with a strong cry, " How long shall we fear or favour flesh and 
blood, and follow the counsel and command thereof ? Should 
our meetings be in the name of man ? Are we not yet to take 
up ourselves, and to acknowledge our former errors, and feeble- 
ness in the work of the Lord ? " And a little after. " Is it time 
for us now, when so many of our worth}' brethren are thrust out 
of their callings without all order of just proceeding, and Jesuits, 
atheists, and papists are suffered, countenanced, and advanced 
to great rooms in the realm, for the bringing in of idolatry, 
and captivity more than Babylonical, with an high hand, and 
that in our chief city, — Is it time for us, I say, of tlie min- 
istry, to be inveigled and blindfolded with pretence of 
vol.. III. 7 

98 THE HISTORY OT THK [a. D. 1G01. 

preferment of some small number of our brethren to have 
voice in parliament, and have titles of prelacy ? Shall we 
■with Samson sleep still on Daiilah's knees, till she say, * The 
Philistines be upon thee, Samson ? ' " Then, scoffing at the 
king's doings, he said, " But Bonnyton is executed, an in- 
famous thief in the highest degree ! What is that to the 
cause of religion, whereof no question was moved ? Is there 
no papist nor favourer of papists in Scotland but Bonnyton ? 
But the king is sound in religion, what can the adversaries do ! 
Being sound, the danger were the less ; but there is nothing 
either in church or king accoixiing to our calling," &c. In 
postscript to the same letter he wished them to be wary of 
determining any thing touching the planting of Edinburgh, 
in respect of any promises against papists, and to remember 
that Melms et opiahilius est helium pace impia, et a Deo 

This letter, laughed at by some, did greatly offend the 
wiser sort, who would have proceeded to censure the man as 
he had deserved, but that the king interceded, willing them 
to leave the punishment to him, and go on with their own 
affairs as they had begun. So the letter being cast by, the 
planting of Edinburgh was next handled ; and after some 
reasoning it was concluded, that the three ministers, Mr 
Walter Balcanquel, Mr James Balfour, and Mr ^Villiam 
Watson should be transported, and others placed in their 
rooms. The care of this among other things was intrusted 
to certain commissioners deputed by the Assembly, who had 
power given them for all matters that concei-ned the Church, 
unto the next general meeting. 

After this a proposition was made for a new translation of 
the Bible, and the correcting of the Psalms in metre. His 
majesty did urge it earnestly, and with many reasons did 
persuade the undertaking of the work, showing the necessity 
and the profit of it, and what a glory the performing thereof 
sliould bring to this Church. Speaking of the necessity, he 
did mention sundry escapes in the common ti'anslation, and 
made it seen that he was no less conversant in the Scriptures 
than they whose profession it was; and when he came to 
speak of the Psalms, did recite whole verses of the same, 
sJiowing both the faults of the metre and the discrepance 
from the text. It was the joy of all that were present to 

A, D. 1001.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 99 

hear it, and bred not little admiration in the whole Assembly, 
who approving the motion did recommend the translation to 
such of the brethren as were most skilled in the languages ; 
and the revising of the Psalms particularly to Mr Robert 
Pont ; but nothing was done in the one or the other. Yet 
did not the king let this his intention fall to the ground, but 
after his happy coming to the crown of England set the 
most learned divines of that Church a-work for the transla- 
tion of the Bible ; which, with great pains and to the 
singular profit of the Church, they perfected. The revising 
of the Psalms he made his own labour, and at such hours as 
he might spare from the public cares went through a number 
of them, commending the rest to a faithful and learned 
servant, who hath therein answered his majesty's expec- 

The act for restraining the liberty of application in 
exercises was of new ratified, and an ordinance made against 
the preaching of young men not admitted to the ministry 
in the chief places of the country ; which done, and the next 
Assembly being appointed to hold at St Andrews the last 
Tuesday of July, amio 1602, the meeting dissolved. 

Soon after the king, by the advice of the commissioners 
of the Church, received in favour the three ministers of 
Edinburgh that were ordained to be translated to other 
places, and licensed them to return to their cliarges. Mr 
John Dikes also, who had lurked unto this time, having 
composed some eucharistic sonnets (as he called them) for 
his majesty's preservation, was pardoned, and permitted to 
return to his place. But Mr John Davidson, presuming to 
find the like favour, and appearing in public without warrant, 
was taken and committed to the Castle of Edinburgh, whea-e 
he remained some months, till, by the intercession of the 
king's ministers, he was also put to liberty. 

In the State, the Lord Maxwell began to make new 
troubles ; and, notwithstanding he was prohibited to repair 
within the bounds of Nithsdale and Galloway, he went homo 
without license, having contrived the death of Sir James 
Johnston then warden. But the purpose failing, he made 
an incursion upon Annandalc, raising fu'e, and committing 
slaughter ; whereupon great stirs were moved in those 
parts, which were not pacified till the February after ; at 

100 THE UISTOUY (.IF THE [a. D. 1001. 

which time the king, going in person to Dumfries, made him 
leave the country, and put in sureties for his remaining 
within the bounds of Clydesdale. 

In July thereafter, Lodowick duke of Lennox was sent in 
an ambassage to France, ratlier for confirming the old amity 
and friendship, than for any business else. There went with 
him Sir Thomas Erskine and Sir William Livingstone of 
Kilsyth, two of his majesty's privy council ; Mr John 
Spottiswoode, then parson of Calder, was directed to attend 
him as his chaplain or preacher. The duke taking his 
journey by sea arrived at Dieppe the twenty -fourth of that 
month, and upon the tenth day after entered into Paris, 
accompanied by James archbishop of Glasgow, and a great 
train of Scotsmen, who did meet him at St Denis. He 
had presence of the French king at St Germains, some seven 
leagues from Paris, and was very kindly accepted. A few 
days after, the king went to Fontaineblcau, where the queen 
was to lie of childbirth. Thither the duke did follow him, 
and was entertained with hunting and the like sports unto 
the queen's delivery, which fell out the seventeenth of 
September. Going then unto tlie country to saltite his 
mother, Madame D'Aubigney, and other his friends, whilst he 
was about these offices of kindness, the king went by post to 
Calais, upon some inteUigence, as it was said, from England, 
that the queen was fallen sick. He himself gave out tluit the 
affairs of Flanders did occasion his journey, for as then the 
archduke was besieging Ostcnd. But whatsoever the busi- 
ness was, no man doubted but that he had an eye upon the 
succession of England ; and if he could have found a faction, 
would have foisted in another bastard of Normandy, which 
oftentimes in a merriment and gallantry he spared not to 

The duke, after his return to Paris, made no long stay, 
but taking his leave of the French king, who was then come 
back from Calais, took journey towards England, and came 
to London in the beginning of November. A parliament 
was then sitting at Westminster, (the last that Queen Eliza- 
beth held), which, with his coming upon that instant, gave 
many to think that he was come to urge a declaration of the 
king's right of succession ; and not a few they were, nor of 
small note, that offered to assist, if he should move anv such 

A. D. 1601.] CHUUCH OF SCOTLAND. 101 

business ; but he told them, that neither had he any such 
commission, nor would the king ever agree to any thing that 
might breed a jealousy in the queen. And his commission 
indeed \vas no other but to salute the queen in the king's 
name, and let her know the kind and filial affection he 
carried unto her, whereof he should be willing to give proof 
at all occasions. And for that he was given to understand 
that the Irish rebels had drawn in some Spanish forces into 
Ii'eland, to fortify themselves in their rebellion, he would, if 
his aid should be thought necessary, employ the same for 
their expulsion. The queen, giving the king many thanks, 
said, that if those troubles continued, she would take his 
help, and hire some of his Highlanders and Islesmen ; but 
she trusted to hear other news shortly, and not be vexed 
long with those strangers. As also it came to pass : for the 
very next month the Lord Montjoy her deputy did, in a 
battle fought near Kinsale, defeat the Irish utterly, and 
afterwards forced the Spaniards that had taken the town to 
render, upon condition of their lives saved, and that they 
might be transported again into their country. 

The duke, after three weeks' stay, being feasted by the 
queen and entertained with all compUments of amity, re- 
turned homo, and came to Edinburgh in the end of Decem- 
ber ; where, having related his proceedings in council, they 
were all approved. The Lord Elphingston had in his 
absence resigned the office of treasury upon an offence, as 
was thought, he conceived for adjoining some others unto him 
in the composing of signatures : and now was Sir George 
Home, one of the masters of the equerry, preferred to the 
office, which he discharged by his deputy, Sir John Arnot, 
both to his majesty and the country's content. 

The next summer the king having resolved to plant 
inlandmen in the isles, and transport the inhabitants into 
the mainland, where they might learn civility, made a 
beginning at the Isle of Lewis. The undertakers were 
Patrick abbot of Lindores, Colonel William Stewart, Captain 
William IMurray, Mr John Learmonth of Balcomie, Mr 
James Spence of Wormiston, Sir James Anstruther of that 
ilk, and James Forret of Fingask. These gentlemen 
furnishing themselves with arms and shipping, and having 
conduced a number of soldiers, took sea, and in the third or 


102 Tllli HISTOKY OF THE [a. D. 1602. 

fourth day arrived in the lake of Stornoway within the same 
isle. Murdoch Macleod, base son to old Macleod, who 
carried himself as lord of the isle, made at the first some 
resistance ; but after a little conflict, distriistiug the people, 
for he had used them with great tyranny, he fled and forsook 
the isle, leaving the indwellers to the discretion of the inva- 
ders. They, how soon he was gone, did all submit them- 
selves, and accept such conditions as were oiFered by the 

Being thus peaceably possessed, the laird of Balcomie, 
either sent by the rest to signify their good success and to 
make preparation against the Avinter, or for some private 
business of his own, took purpose to return home, and being 
launched a little from the coast, and by reason of the calm 
forced to cast anchor, was suddenly invaded by the said 
Murdoch Macleod, with a number of birlings (so they call the 
little vessels those islesmen use), the ship boarded, the 
mariners killed, and himself made prisoner. The gentleman 
being detained some days, and hourly threatened with death, 
was afterwards ransomed by one of his friends, and conveyed 
to Orkney, where contracting a fever he died. The rest of 
the gentlemen, to repair this injury, conducted Neil Macleod, 
brother to the said Murdoch, to betray and deliver him in 
their hands ; which he performed shortly after, having by 
an ambush laid for his brother apprehended him, and some 
twelve more that were in his company. The twelve he pre- 
sently beheaded ; Murdoch he delivered to the gentlemen, 
as he had promised, who was afterwards transported to St 
Andrews, and there executed. 

The undertakers thinking themselves now secured, began 
to build, and make a partition of the lands, letting the same 
to the country people, who did all swear fidelity unto them ; 
but whilst they expected no trouble, Norman Macleod, son 
to old Macleod, did on the sudden beset them, put fire to 
their lodgings, and forced them to the conditions following : 

First, that they should purchase to them a remission from 
the king of all crimes and offences past. 

Next, that they should resign to Norman all the right 
which they had acquired of the Isle of Lewis. 

And thii'dly, that Sir James Spence, with his son-in-law 
Thomas Monypenny of Kinkell, should remain as pledges 


until the remi&siou was brought unto hiiu, aud such a surety 
given of tlie isle as he could devise. 

This condescended unto, Sir James Anstruther departed 
with the whole company that u'as left (for many were killed 
before their yielding), and, for relief of the pledges, obtained 
of the king both the remission and security of the isle that 
was desired, which was sent to Norman by James Learmonth, 
son to the laird of Darcie. By this mean were the pledges 
freed, and for that time the whole enterprise defeated. Some 
three years after, the same was of new attempted, with what 
success we shall hear in the own place. 

Mr Robert Bruce, who as we showed before was exiled in 
France, obtained license to return in the beginning of this 
summer, by the intercession of the earl of Mar, whom he had 
entreated to mediate his peace, upon promise at his return to 
satisfy the king, and declare his resolution in that matter of 
Gowrie. The king, who never showed himself difficile 
(especially to ministers that professed penitency for their 
errors), gave warrant to recall him ; and he appearing before 
the commissioners of the Church, at Perth the twenty-fifth 
of June, where his majesty was present, acknowledged his 
error, professed his resolution touching the guiltiness of those 
unhappy brothers, aud promised, if his majesty should license 
him to return to his place, to declare the same publicly in the 
first sermon he should have to the people. The king doubt- 
ing his performance (for he had often in other matters tried 
his inconstancy) caused the same to be set down in writing 
upon the back of the letter he had sent to the earl of Mar, 
and after he had subscribed the same, made all the commis- 
sioners that were present (eleven in number) to set their 
bands thereto as witnesses. This done, he Avas admitted to 
kiss his majesty's hand, and licensed to return to his place. 
But as the king had conjectured, so it fell out ; for coming to 
Edinburgh, where it was expected he should have done what 
he had both promised and subscribed, he left the town, pre- 
tending that his ministry should thereby be discredited, and 
he esteemed to preach by injunction. The General Assembly 
of the Church meeting in November following, the king, to 
remove this pretext, after he had showed all the particulars 
of his proceeding with Mr Robert, and produced the letter 
sent by him to the earl of Mar, together with his subscription 

104 THE HISTORY Or THE [a. D. 1602. 

in the meeting of Perth, desired the voices of the Assembly, 
•whether or not he ought to utter his resolution in pulpit as 
he had promised. They all, r.ot one gainsaying, declared, 
" That he was bound both in duty and conscience to fulfil his 
promise, so much the rather, that by his distrust and dis- 
obedience to the council's charge he had confirmed ill-disposed 
people in their suspicions." Yet this ordinance did not con- 
tent him ; and so, delaying to give satisfaction, he was by the 
commissioners of the Church discharged from the ministry of 
Edinburgh the year following. 

In this Assembly, Mr Patrick Galloway being chosen to 
pi'eside, he made a speech to the king, wherein he showed, 
" That the Church was oppugned by two sorts of enemies, to 
wit, papists and sacrilegious persons ; and therefore in the 
name of the whole Church entreated his majesty, that, as he 
had with great travail and happy success made the principals 
of the popish profession to conform themselves in outward 
obedience, so he would use his princely authority towards 
the other sort, and compel them, if not to restore all, at least 
to grant a competent allowance to ministers forth of the tithes 
they possessed." The king accepting the petition graciously, 
said, " That it should not be well with the Churcli so long as 
ministers were drawn from their charges to attend the yearly 
modification of stipends, and that he held it fittest once to 
condescend upon a competent provision for every church, 
and deal with those that possessed the tithes to bestow a part 
thereof to the foresaid use ; and seeing that business would 
require a longer time than they could well continue together, 
that they should do well to make some overtures to those 
that had the commission for stipends, promising for himself 
that he should stand for the Church, and be an advocate for 
the ministers." 

After a long deliberation, these overtures were proponed. 
" First, That the ministers having stipends assigned to them 
forth of the tithes of the churches where they served, a per- 
petual security should be made to the tacksmen, and a cer- 
tain grassum condescended on for every chalder of victual, 
which should be paid for nineteen years' lease ; at the expir- 
ing whereof, another lease upon the hke conditions should be 
renewed for as many years, the principal tacksmen being- 
obliged to grant the like security for his subtacksmen. 2d, 

A. D. 1602.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 105 

That the prelacies should be disponed to actual ministers, the 
churches annexed thereto being sufficiently provided, and the 
tenth of the superplus paid to the king ; or otherwise, that 
all the great benefices should be dissolved, the prelate enjoy- 
ing the principal church and temporal lauds, and the churches 
annexed disponed to ministers, both they and the prelate 
paying a yearly duty to the king. And 3d, That all inferior 
benefices should be provided to the ministers serving the 

The first of these overtures the king held reasonable and 
most advantageous to the Church. But the Assembly, esteem- 
ing it dangerous to make tithes heritable, deferred to give 
their consent ; so as nothing was at that time concluded, and 
the overtures remitted to a more deep consideration. 

The synod of Fife did, after this, present some grievances, 
complaining, " That the General Assemblies were not kept 
at the ordinary times, and both places and diets altered, 
without the knowledge of presbyteries and synods. That 
ministers were called before the council in prima instantia, 
for matters of doctrine and discipline. That the government 
of the Church continued in tlie hands of a few ministers, 
under the name of a commission, . to the prejudice of the 
liberty of the Church. That doctors, being an ordinary 
calling in the Church, were debarred from coming to Assem- 
blies. That no trial was taken concerning the observation 
of caveats. That the ministers of Edinburgh, being the prin- 
cipal watch-tower of the Church, were not permitted to attend 
their charge. That the land was polluted with the French 
ambassador's mass, and excommunicates suffered to abide in 
the country. And lastly, that the letters and practices of 
papists were kept secret, and not communicated to the 

These complaints, being known to proceed from the private 
discontents of such as grieved to see the affairs of the Church 
carried by others than themselves, were not much regarded ; 
yet to show that they had no just cause to complain, a parti- 
cular answer was made to every one of them. And first it 
was said, " That the Assembhes both were and should be 
kept according to the act of parliament. That ministers 
should not be called before the council but upon just grounds. 
That commissions given by the Assembly and rightly dis- 

106 THE HlSTOaY OF THK [a. D. 1602. 

charged were lawful. That doctors authorized with a com- 
mission from the university, where they lived, were not 
denied a voice in Assemblies ; and that if the caveats were 
not observed, they might instance the point, and have the 
person after trial censured." To the rest of the heads his 
majesty by himself made this reply : " That the French am- 
bassador's mass was private, and could not be refused to him, 
considering that the minister, directed with his own ambas- 
sador the year before, was permitted to preach within the 
city of Paris. And for the ministers of Edinburgh, they had 
received all the favour they desired. As to him that lay 
back, it was his own fault, and no man's else. But where, 
saith he, it is craved that the letters and practices of papists 
should be communicate to ministers, as that were the ready 
way to procure the escape, and no punishment of the prac- 
tices, so the proponers would remember, that secrets must bo 
imparted at the king's pleasure, and not otherwise." 

Some other acts were concluded in the same Assembly ; 
as, '•' That, in memory of his majesty's deliverance, there 
should be sermons in all the burghs every Tuesday, and the 
fifth of August solemnly kept, as the parliament had prescribed, 
in all the churches of the kingdom. That ministers should 
not refuse the sacrament of baptism to infants, nor delay the 
same, upon whatsoever pretext, the same being required by 
the parents, or others in their name : " for as then, except at 
ordinary hours of preaching, ministers denied to baptize. 
And because they had taken up a custom not to celebrate 
marriage upon the Sunday, pretendiiig that the day was 
profaned by feasting, dancing, and the like, it was ordained, 
" They should hereafter, at the parties' desire, celebrate the 
same either on Sunday or week-day." These things con- 
cluded, and commissioners chosen to attend the common 
affairs of the Church, the Assembly dissolved, having ap- 
pointed the next meeting at Aberdeen, the last Tuesday of 
July, a7ino 1604. 

All this time were the enemies of our religion, the Jesuits, 
especially busied to stir up a party against the king and his 
title to England. They had lost all hope of gaining his 
affection, or obtaining any promise of toleration when he 
should come to that crown ; and had found their writings 
and pamphlets, for the infanta of Spain her right, to move few 

A. 1). 1602.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 107 

or none. Thereupon they fell to treat of a marriage betwixt 
Lady Arabella and Robert prince of Savoy ; and, that not 
succeeding, to speak of a match betwixt her and a grand- 
child of the earl of Hartford's; judging that their pretensions 
being conjoined, many would befriend them, to the excluding 
of the king of Scots. But the queen, who truly favoured his 
right, though she would not openly profess so much, dashed 
all those projects, and caused an eye to be kept upon that lady 
and such as resorted unto her. 

About the same time, the king had intelhgence given him 
that one Francis Mowbray, son to the laird of Barnbougle, 
who had hved a while in the infant's court at Brussels, had 
undertaken to kill him. This broke out first at London by 
an Italian, a fencer, whose name was Daniel. Which coming 
to the queen's ears, she commanded Sir Robert Cecil, her 
secretary, to call the persons (for they were both in the city), 
and examine them. The Italian abode by his speeches. 
Mowbray denied, and offered to prove him a Har in combat, 
which the other accepted. Both being sent into Scotland, 
they were tried first severally, then confronted before certain 
of the council. The Italian produced witnesses who verified 
all that he had deponed. Whereupon Mowbray was com- 
mitted to the castle of Edinburgh, where, seeking to escape 
by night, at a window of the chamber where he was detained, 
the sheets proving too short by which he thought to descend, 
he fell from a great precipice, and was found the next morn- 
ing dead at the foot of the rock. The corpse was, the same 
day, being the last of January, presented to the justice, and 
sentence of forfeiture pronounced against him ; his body 
hanged for a space upon the gibbet, and afterwards quartered 
and affixed on the gates and most open places of the town. 
His friends (for he was well-born, and a proper young gentle- 
man) gave out that he had been strangled, and his corpse 
thrown down at the window. But this carried no appear- 
ance, and was believed of few.^ 

The queen of England, in the winter, being perceived to 
Avax heavy and dull, and the rumour thereof dispersed (as 
there is nothing that can be worse concealed than the sick- 
ness or death of a prince), there was much business every 
where, and she held by the most part no better than dead. 
* [See note to this Book. — £.] 

108 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. U. 1602. 

The French king had sent, the summer preceding, two am- 
bassadors, one to reside in England and another in Scotland, 
under colour of impcacliing the courses of Spain, but in effect 
to observe the strength and affection of both people. He 
that was sent into England brought a letter, from the French 
king to Secretary Cecil, of infinite kindness ; and breaking 
with him one day upon the miseries of the kingdom when it 
should please God to translate the queen, fell to speak of the 
loss he should sustain by the exchange, and the case wherein 
he would be if the Scottish king did succeed ; which to his 
apprehension should' be more hard and miserable than any 
others, being likely to undergo the revenge of faults laid 
upon his father about matters concerning the king's mother, 
and other courses that he was esteemed to have run himself 
since the death of his father. The secretary, that was no 
child, knowing that the ambassador did but sound him, for 
making some other project, answered, " That this was the 
reward of unspotted duty, when ministers did only regard 
the service of their sovereigns, without respect of their own 
particular ; and that for himself he should never grieve to 
endure trouble for so just a cause, the same being to a man 
that valued his credit more than his security, a kind of mar- 
tyrdom ; notwithstanding, he supposed that things past would 
not be called to mind ; or if so were, and that he saw his case 
desperate, he should flee to another city, and take the benefit 
of the king's royal offer," 

The ambassador being so answered, made a fan* retreat, 
saying, " That in case the king of Scots did carry himself 
towards the king of France with the respect which was due, 
he was not purposed to impeach his interest." The secre- 
tary replying, " That it was a wise resolution his master had 
taken," the ambassador ceased to tempt him any farther 
in that business. Hereof the king was advertised by letters 
from the secretary, who therein did assure him of his true 
and honest service when occasion required ; how belt he would 
not, as some others had done, needlessly hazard his fortune 
and reputation before the time. 

It shall not be amiss to hear what was the king's answer 
to the secretary. " As I do heartily thanlv you," said he, 
" for your plain and honest offer ; so may you assure your- 
self, that it would do me no pleasure that you should hazard 

A. D, 1603.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 109 

either your fortune or reputation, since the loss of either of 
these would make you the less available to me. No, I love 
not to feed upon such fantastical humours, although I cannot 
let^ busy-bodies to live upon their own imaginations. But for 
my part, I hold it the office of a king, as sitting on the throne 
of God, to imitate the primum mobile, and by his steady and 
ever constant course to govern all the other changeable and 
uncertain motions of the inferior planets. And 1 protest in 
God's presence, that for your constant and honest behaviour 
in your sovereign's service, I loved your virtues long before 
I could be certain that you would deserve at my ha,nd the 
love of your person ; wherefore go on, and serve her truly 
that reigneth, as you have done, for he that is false to the 
present will never be true to the future." 

In another letter directed to the earl of Northumberland 
(that we may know the wisdom and piety of the king), who 
had sent him advertisement of the queen's weakness, and 
advised him to make sure his title by apprehending posses- 
sion in time, he said, " That man can neither be religious nor 
just that dealeth worse with his neighbour than he would be 
dealt withal ; and in a man of quality it can be no wisdom 
to leap hedge and ditch, and adventure the breaking of his 
neck for gathering forbidden fruit before it be ripe ; whenas 
by attending the due time, he may be sure to find all the 
gates of the orchard open, and with free scope enter, take 
and taste at liberty. Sure it were a great weakness and 
unworthiness in me to come in as an usurper, with offence 
and scandal to the laws and present estate of government, 
when I may, in the right time, claim the crown as nearest 
heir to the prince deceased, and possess with equity. Should 
I, out of untimely ambition, fall to break the long continued 
and faithfully preserved amity, that by the proof of many 
kind offices hath taken root among us, it were an error inex- 
cusable. And howbeit I do acknowledge your kind affection 
in the offers you make of assistance, I must tell you freely, 
that no prince can presume of any subject's loyalty to himself 
that hath been unsound and unfaithful to his own sovereign ; 
nor would I ever look to be secure in a kingdom so traitor- 
ously disposed." In end, he advised the earl to forbear such 
writing, and when he wrote (which he wished him to do 

' Hinder. 


rarely, and not but upon great occasions), to beware of any 
thing that might justly offend the queen, lest, by interception 
or other misadventure, he might be disabled to serve him an- 
other day. 

This Avas the king's resolution, which God so blessed as it 
brought him within a short time after, against the opinions 
and desires of many, to the quiet and peaceable possession 
of his right and inheritance ; for, in the spring, the queen's 
disease increasing (which was judged to be a melancholy in- 
corrigible, and by some conceived to proceed from a sorrow 
for Essex, others ascribed it to the accepting of the rebel 
Tyrone to peace), and all apprehending it to be deadly, the 
hearts of people did so incline to the king, as a great man in 
that state did write unto him, " That all England was grown 
to be Scottish." The queen herself continuing constant in 
her aifection, when she was asked, a little before her death, by 
the lord keeper and secretary (who were directed by the 
council to understand her will touching her successor), an- 
swered, " None but my cousin, the king of Scots." After 
which words she spake not much : only being desired by the 
archbishop of Canterbury (v/hom she would not suffer to go 
from her all that time), to iix her thoughts upon God, she 
said, " So I do, neither doth my mind wander from him ; " 
and then commending her soul to God in devout manner, 
died most patiently and willingly. A queen incomparable for 
wisdom and fehcity of government. She departed this life 
the twenty-fourth of March, in the seventieth year of her 
age, and forty-fourth of her reign. The same day, in the 
forenoon, the king of Scots was proclaimed king, first at the 
palace of Whitehall, next at the cross in C-heapside, within 
the city of London, with an infinite applause of all sorts of 


NOTE I. Vol. II. p. 361 ; Vol. III. pp. 5, 107. 


[Our author's account of the death of Mary queen of Scots is a model of his- 
torical narrative. Nevertheless, some circumstances are omitted in the text 
which seem to complete the dramatic horrors of this matchless tragedy, and 
may be here supplied. This will be the more readily excused, as even Mr 
Tytler, in his very accurate and overflowing history, has not recorded all that 
we are about to add from contemporary sources. 

On the morning of the execution, after the will of the queen had been read to 
her domestics, which she herself had drawn up, and signed in their presence, 
and while on her knees at an altar, two of her maidens, Barbara Mowbray, and 
a young French lady of the name of Beauregard, came weeping to her physician 
Burgoin. Their names, they said, had been omitted in the will, and they im- 
plored Burgoin to mention the matter to her majesty. No sooner was the queen 
informed of this distress, than she rose from her kneeling posture, and wrote an 
affectionate remembrance of these two damsels on the margin of her testament. 
This touching trait is not recorded by our author, and had escaped the modern 
historians, from Hume to Tytler. 

It is perhaps more extraordinary that the precise mode of the decapitation 
has been imperfectly and erroneously recorded by Spottiswoode, Hume, Robert- 
son, Scott, and even by Tytler ; though this last enters more into the details, 
and is more accurate, than his predecessors. Our author says, " Then stretching 
forth her body with great quietness, and laying her neck over the block, she 
cried aloud, In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum. One of the exe- 
cutioners holding down her hands, the other at two blows cut off her head, which, 
falling out of her attire, seemed to be somewhat grey " (vol. ii. p. 361.). This 
account has been adopted by Hume, Robertson, and Scott. Tytler is nearer the 
truth when he says, that the unhappy queen awaited the blow in a sitting pos- 
ture, expecting to be beheaded according to the mode of capital punishments in 
France. It is strange, however, that this accurate and indefatigable historian, 
while quoting the chronicle where the true details are to be found, (Mort de la 
Royne d'Escosse), should have added, " On being made aware of her mistake she 
instantly knelt down, and, groping with her hands for the block, laid her neck 
upon it, without the slightest mark of trembling or hesitation," and that two 
strokes of the axe sufficed. 

But there was not vouchsafed to the last moments of poor Queen Mary's suf- 
ferings the same quiet dignity that invested the death-scene of her grandson, 
Charles I. Without the slightest disposition on her part to resist, or shrink 
from the blow, and with no probable intention on the part of her executioners 
(though the Catholics suspected it) to aggravate the death, nevei'theless was the 


dying prayer of the Catholic queen disturbed by an unseemly struggle with her 
executioners. One of them wounded her on the head with his axe, ere by two 
subsequent blows he severed it from her body. The queen was placed upon a 
low seat on the scaffold, expecting death, from a sword, in that sitting posture ; 
and, keeping her person rigid, with outstretched neck and clasped hands, she 
was reciting from the Psalms, when the two executioners (probably mistaking 
her attitude for resistance) on either side, seized her by the shoulder, and en- 
deavoured to bring her head to the block. At first they only succeeded in throw- 
ing her upon her knees. In that posture, and still awaiting the sword, with her 
neck outstretched for the blow, she continued to repeat the Psalms. The execu- 
tioners also continued to exert force to place her body in a horizontal position, 
and at length succeeded in bringing her neck down to the billet of wood that 
had been provided for the purpose. Then she placed her hand under her chin, 
as if to enable her to give utterance to prayer ; but the executioner seized it and 
drew it away, lest it should be cut ofiF. A blow immediately followed from the 
axe, which the indignant narrator describes as a rude cleaver, altogether unsuited 
for the purpose. This first blow fell upon the back of her head, but without 
penetrating deeply. A second blow cut the neck half through ; and the third 
severed the head from the body. These horrible details were omitted, naturally 
enough, in the official despatch which described the execution. But whoever 
reads the contemporary narrative will find no room to doubt that it is the faith- 
ful description of an eyewitness. The writer says of himself, " Preuez en bonne 
part, je vous supplie, la grande afiection et juste regret d'un serviieur fidele, et 
de bonne volontd, qui ne pent endnrcr que I'honneur de sa maistresse soit foule 
on oficnce." Nor is it at all unlikely that the interesting and melancholy record 
was penned by her physician Burgoin, who was permitted to be on the scafi"old. 
See " La Mort de la Royne d'Escosse," 1589 ; reprinted in Jebb's Collections, 
vol. ii. p. 609. 

One affecting incident is thus shortly told by the same chronicler. When the 
blood was about to be removed from the scaffold, that no avenging spirit might 
steep a relic therein, " Put trouve'e une petitte chieune dedans sa roble, qu'il 
I'avoit suivie en bas, laquelle une grande princesse de France a voulut avoir 
pour I'amour de la defunte." No more is there recorded of that little dog. But 
another contemporary account has it thus : " There was one remarkable thing 
which happened at her execution, and which ought not to be omitted, and that 
is, the strange and surprising instinct of a little dog that she had, whom they 
could never separate from her, without doing violence to her majesty ; shelter- 
ing himself always beneath hor royal robes ; and when the blood began to flow 
about him, he lap'd some of it, and would never afterwards be induced to taste 
meat or drink, but died for grief." The anecdote is so narrated in a note to 
Freebairn's Life of Queen Mary, 17"25, quoting " A Kelation writ by an Eyewit- 
ness, by Secretary Cecil's Command," of the execution of Queen Mary, from a 
copy in the Advocates Library. 

Tytler says, " Her last words were, ' Into thy hands I commend my spirit, for 
thou hast redeemed mo, O Lord God oi truth.' " But it was not so. While the 
executioners were yet struggling with hor, she had just uttered the three first 
words Jn manus tuns with a loud voice, when the first erring blow descended 
on the back of her head, and of course deprived her of speech. 

It is not generally known that Barbara .Mowbray, whose affectionate distress, 
at having been forgotten in the will of her royal mistress, is mentioned above, 
was the daughter of Sir John Mowbray of Barnbougle, a Scottish baron of 
ancient descent, whose residence in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, now the 
property of the carl of Kosebery, has recently been called Dalmeny Park. The 
superseding of the ancient name, which signifies the point of land of the victory 
of strangers, is to be regretted. See a characteristic incident of the times, rela- 
ting to the place of Barnbougle, and Ilobert Mowbray, the eldest brother of 


Barbara, narrated in the notes to book v. p. 217. Barbara Mowbray had an- 
other brother of the name of Francis, who also became deeply involved in the 
troubles of the times. Francis Mowbray was the intimate companion of Sir 
AValter Scott of Branxholm and Buccleuch, warden of the Liddesdale marches. 
It was upon the 13th of April 1596, that Buccleuch performed his unparalleled 
feat of storming the castle of Carlisle, and rescuing " Kinmont Willie." 

" ' Now sound out trumpets, quo' Buccleuch, 
Let's waken Lord Scroope right merrilie ;' 
Then loud the warden's trumpet blew, 
' O wha dare meddle wi' me ! '" 

On the following day, Francis Mowbray, who had some hand in the above 
enterprise, meddled with one William Schaw, to the effect of running a rapier 
through his body, for which slaughter he was outlawed. Robert Birrel records 
in his diary the exploit of Buccleuch (so admirably narrated by our author at 
the commencement of this volume), and says, it was performed " with shouting 
and crying, and sound of trumpet, puttand the said tonne and countrie in sic ane 
fray, that the lyk of sic ane wassaledge wes nevir done since the memorie of man, 
no in Wallace dayis." Thereafter the same quaint chronicler notes, " The I4th 
Aprylo Mr William Schaw wes stricken throu the bodie with ane rapier, bo 
Francis Mowbray, sone to the laird of Barnbougle." All Scotland, including 
the monarch, were proud of the storming of Carlisle, which so deeply wounded 
the pride of Elizabeth ; but, in order to afford her some slight satisfaction, Buc- 
cleuch was confined in the castle of St Andrews, " under pretext of intercomon- 
iug with Francis Mowbray, fugitive for the hurting of William Scliaw, and 
making him his secund in a combat undertaken betwixt him and young Ces- 
fuirde," (Moysie's Memoirs). Our author (Spottiswoode) has not noticed this 
special reason assigned for Buccleuch's durance in Scotland. From a letter to 
Anthony Bacon, dated Edinburgh ^Sd November 159G, it appears that the feud 
betwixt the Scotts and the Kerrs, which so greatly disturbed the peace of Edin- 
burgh, had been stayed, and that the parties, including Francis Mowbray, joined 
^■hemselves in a close league and contract with the popish lords and their con- 
federates. The parties to the league (says the writer of the letter) were, " Tlie 
Lords Hume and Sanqnire, the lairds Cesford, Baclugh, Clasburn, and Kirk- 
mighil, with all the rest of their assistants in those parts, who not only subscribed, 
but swore to follow all one course in whatever should be undertaken by any one 
of them. This contract, by a general consent, was given to Francis Mowbray to 
be kept, by whose means I had the sight of it ; for he wonld gladly have dealt 
with my lord embassador concerning a plot that he had devised for alteration of 
the state of these Octavians ; the which, as I nnderstood, should have been 
effected by those persons aforesaid : for, said he, these are wise men, and will 
seek their advantage, either by the queen's majesty of England, or else by the 
king of Spain. And if this offer of their service take not effect, or be not em- 
braced of the English, they will take their vantage of the Spaniard. But because 
of a promise that my lord made to the king, that he zeold in no sort meddle tvith 
Francis, he refused to deal any further with them, save only that he had the 
sight of the contract ; which I brought, because I was the traveller between 
them, requested thereto by Francis, with whom I have been in great friendship 
this great while, and am yet. Now, I understand, that he is a special doer for 
the earl of Huntly ; and my Lor;i Sanquire, who is the chief man in the foresaid 
league, hath had sundry meetings with the papists, and now is become a great 
courtier. So that this makes gi-eat appearance to affii-m that which I say ; yea, 
more than this, my Lord Sanquire is to be excommunicated, because he can in 
no wise be brought to subscribe to the religion." (See Birch's Collections from 
the Lambeth MSS. vol. ii. p. 205.) 

This high spirited bat turbulent youth came to an ualimcly and tragical end. 

VOL, III. 8 


It is the same Francis Mowbray whose sad fate our author, in this Book (p. 
107), narrates shortly, but in his usual graphic manner. In justice, however, to 
the sufferer, the story requires some farther elucidation. There was no evidence 
of sufficient credit against Francis Mowbray ; who, in the course of the proceed- 
ings, addressed this remarkable speech to his sovereign : " If ever I thought evil, 
or intended evil against my prince, God, that marketh the secrets of all hearts, 
make me lo fall at my enemies feel — make me a spectacle to all Edinburgh, and 
cast my soul in hell for ever." The king instantly required these words to be 
recorded, and subscribed by Francis Mowbray. This he did without hesitation, 
and, moreover, demanded the trial by combat, with his accuser, Daniel ; a bold 
measure, as the latter was an Italian fencing master. The combat was allowed, 
and the 5th of January named as the day of mortal trial, to take place in lists, 
prepared for the occasion, in the great close of Holyroodhouso. The king him- 
self, however, postponed the ceremony, under pretext of " confronting Francis 
with other two Scottish men sent out of England ; Lot of light accompt, because 
they had spent their moyen,and wes forced to leave the country," (Calderwood). 
Meanwhile, Francis Mowbray was confined in the castle of Edinburgh, and the 
Italian in another chamber immediately above him. On the day after he had 
been confronted with the witnesses " of light accompt," whose evidence, how- 
ever, only tended to absolve him, and longing as he had been for the mortal trial 
that was to test his honour, this unhappy youth, was found dead and mangled 
at the foot of the castle rock, as our author narrates. It was said, that endeav- 
ouring to escape by means of his sheets and blankets, they proved to be too short, 
and he was killed by the fall. But, adds our author, " his friends (for ho was 
well born, and a proper young gentleman) gave out that he had been strangled, 
and his corpse thrown down at the window. But this carried no appearance, 
and was believed of few." {Supra, p. 107.) 

It carried some appearance, nevertheless. In the first place, from the manner 
in which the Italian had been lodged in the castle, above the cell of him he 
accused, it might be said that i^Iowbray had /a//e?i at his enemy\ feet ; and these 
words stood recorded against him, and signed by himself, according to the king's 
command. In the next place ; it was upon Sunday the 30th of January that 
Mowbray was killed, and, upon Monday following, James and his counsellors 
subscribe a letter to the justice-clerk, (in which great stress is laid upon the 
evidence of guilt derived from the attempt to escape,) desiring liim to condemn 
the dead man to be hanged and quartered, and his quarters to be exposed upon 
the most public places of Edinburgh. Accordingly, on that same day, the 
mangled body was placed at the bar of the High Court of Justiciary, having 
boon dragged backwards through the streets. There it was pronounced against 
the corpse, for doom, " to bo hangit be the craig upouu ane gibbet besyde the 
mercat croce of Edinburgh, and his body quarterit, and his heid, ano leg, and 
ane airm, to be put above the Nctlierbow, ano elne above tho rest, and ane athcr 
leg to be hung on tho Wcstport of Edinb\irgh, and ane athcr airm to be hangiu 
uponn the Potterraw-poirt ; and all his lands, <kc.,to be foirfalt and inbrocht to 
our sovcranc lordis use." (Records of the High Court of Justiciary.) 

Francis Mowbray, as our author tells us, was " a proper young gentleman." 
In these few significant words wo have, doubtless, the epitome of a romance in 
real life. He was a fiery youth, attached to the Catholic cause, and an active 
plotter. But there was no sufficient evidence that he harboured the base design 
of assassinating his sovereign ; and the very peculiar manner in which his solemn 
denial of that accusation came to bo applied as an evidence of his guilt, could 
only deceive a superstitious age. Thus, under a process most revolting, in all its 
features, to justice and humanity, perished a sou of one of tho finest old baronial 
houses in Scotland, and one to whom the noblest gallant of his ago, Sir Walter 
Scott of Buccleuch, v/as attached, as a comi>auion and a friend. (See Mr Pit- 
cairn's Collection of Criminal Trials.) 


The old baron of Barubouglc, Sir John Mowbray, besides liis sons Robert and 
Francis, had five daughters, Agnes, Elizabeth, Marion, Barbara, and Gilles. 
Their fates were very various. Two of them became the s/ep-wolhers, respec- 
tively, of the two most remarkable men of their age, "the admirable Crichton," 
and "the marvellous Merchiston." For Agues Mowbray became the second 
wife of the father of Crichton, by marriage-contract dated at Barnbongle Cth 
August 157"2, " betwixt honorabill persones, Johno Mowbray of Barnbongle, and 
Agnes Mowbray, his doctor, and Maistor Robert Creychton of Eliok,"&c. ; and 
Elizabeth Mowbray, about the same period, became the second wife of Sir 
Archibald Napier. Charters were granted to Sir Archibald Napier of Merchis- 
ton and Edinbellic, EHzabeth Mowbray, his wife, and Alexander Napier, son 
and heir of that marriage, of the lands and meadow called the king's meadow 
8th February 1588 ; and of half the lands of Lauraustoun, &c., IGth November 
15,03, all in the parish of Cramond. Sir Archibald built thereon the castle of 
Lauriston, which was inherited by his son Alexander, above named, who became 
a Lord of Session, by the title of Lord Lauriston. That castle still exists, though 
it has passed through a variety of hands, and undergone important changes. 
There is still to be seen, among the decorations of two of the windows, the 
initials S. A. N. (Sir Archibald Napier), and D. E. M. (Dame Elizabeth Mow- 
bray), which no doubt have often puzzled the modern possessors. The original 
tower, a fine characteristic structure, was added to, and all the carved stones 
carefully preserved, in a manner that docs equal credit to the taste and feeling of 
its then proprietor, the late Thomas Allan, Esq. It has recently been yet more 
sumptuously decorated, under the no less tasteful ausjnces of its present pro- 
prietor, her majesty's advocate for Scotland. 

The fate of Barbara and Gilles Mowbray was not so fortunate as that of their 
elder sisters. In " La Mort de la Royne d'Escosse," which records the severity 
of the English government towards the domestics of Queen Mary, this sentence 
occurs : " Le Baron de Barneslrudgal, gentilhomme Escossois, qui avoit deux de 
sesjilles en prison, vint a Londres, on, ayant commandement du Roy d'Escosse 
de parler pour les serviteurs de sa mere, poursuyuit leur deliverance." There 
can be no doubt that Barneslrudgal is a corruption of Barnebougall, and that 
the venerable Scottish baron had journeyed to London chiefly on account of his 
two daughters, Barbara and Gilles. The household of the queen of Scots were 
treated with great cruelty, immediately after her execution. Her forlorn 
domestics humbly prayed to be allowed to depart to their respective abodes. 
They were detained, however, as prisoners, and kept in constant dread of death 
or torture, with food barely sufficient to sustain them. None of them were 
suffered to take exercise, or to move without a gua^d. Barbara and Gilles 
Mowbray, whose affection for the queen is indicated by the anecdote already 
noted of the former, the daughters of an ancient house, young, and irreproach- 
able in their conduct, were cast into prison. This inhuman step appears to have 
brought matters to a crisis. James VI. commissioned Sir John Mowbray him- 
self, as an intercessor with the murderess of his mother, in behalf of her oppressed 
maidens and"familiars. The result was their release ; and, immediately after- 
wards, a very different scene arose out of some revulsion of feeling on the part 
of the tigress of England. About the period of the baron of Barnbongle's mission, 
information had been sent to Elizabeth, by those who were weary of watching 
the body of her victim, and of tyrannizing over those persecuted domestics, that 
the embalming had failed, and part of the leaden coffin given way. Some sinister 
policy of her own, added to the opportune arrival and strong remonstrance of Sir 
John Mowbray, at length determined Elizabeth to order the remains of thn 
queen of Scots to be interred at St Peterborough, with the pomp suitable to 
royalty. The same curious contemporary account from which these details are 
gathered, informs us, that, in this high and solemn pageant, " Les femmes de la 
Royne d'Escosse " walked in the following order : " I\fpdamoyscUes Barhc 


Mauhray; Cristino Sog ; Oilles Maubray ; Elspoth Curio; Reneo de Rcaly ; 
Mario Pagcts ; Janne Kennedy ; Susanno Korkady." It is remarkable, after 
all that has been said and sung of the " Queen's Maries," to find only one, out of 
the eight who were present at her funeral, who bore the name of Mary. When 
the royal procession reached the chapel, and the service had commenced in 
English, the physician Borgoin, and all the others of the household, rushed out 
of the chapel, with the exception of Sir Andrew Melville and Barbara Mowbray. 

Amid such scenes, and from this soil of blood, and tears, and desolation, it 
eeems that Ioto was springing. Very shortly afterwards, Jane Kennedy was 
married to Sir Andrew Melville, and Barbara Mowbray to William Curio. This 
last had acted as secretary to Mary for more than twenty years, — that is, since 
before the commencement of her captivity in England. His extorted evidence 
had been made conducive to her murder, which greatly afiUcted him. Repeatedly 
his sister, Elspeth or Elizabeth Curie, used to fall on her knees before the queen, 
and in an agony of tears implore forgiveness for her brother. Mary always 
exonerated William Curie, whom she loved ; and accused Nau, the French 
secretary, of misleading him, and being instrumental in her death. One of her 
latest requests to the earl of Kent, rendered more earnest, perhaps, by her 
knowledge of the affection that subsisted between her Secretary and Barbara 
Mowbray, was, that William Curie should be suffered to depart in peace. The 
earl pledged himself for his safety, and, accordingly, not long after the solemn 
pageantry at St Peterborough, William Curie with his spouse Barbara Mowbray, 
and his sister Elspeth Curie, sought security and consolation in a Catholic 

I know not what became of Gilles Mowbray, who probably returned to Scot- 
land with her father. As for Barbara, her remaining history is no less curious 
than interesting. Some time in the last century, a Flemish gentleman of talent 
and consideration in the Low Countries, possessed an ancient Flemish manuscript, 
which narrated that William Curie, accompanied by two ladies of the same 
name (his wife and sister no doubt) came over to Antwerp after the execution of 
the queen of Scots, carrying with them a portrait of that unhappy princess, and 
her head, which they had contrived to abstract ; that, in the little church of St 
Andrew there, these pilgrims buried their fearful relic at the foot of one of the 
pillars, where they resolved that their own tombs were eventually to be ; that 
to this pillar they attached the portrait of their idol, and placed near it a marble 
slab recording her fate. Thus far the Flemish manuscript. This wild legend is, 
in some respects, singularly confirmed. To this day (or within a recent period) 
a portrait of Queen Mary decorates a pillar of the church of St Andrew in 
Antwerp. Whoever visits that little church now may read the inscription 
that records the martyrdom of Queen Mary. Moreover, they may peruse, 
graven upon the slabs that cover their dust, the sad story of two females buried 
there, Barbara Moiclruy and Elizabeth Cvrle. Barbara's tomb at Antwerp 
records her fidelity to Queen Mary, and also the fact, that slic was the daughter 
of Sir John Morrbray, a Scottish baron. It also states, that she was married to 
William Curie, who for twenty years had been secretary to Queen Mary ; and 
that as man and wife thoy lived together for four and twenty years "sine 
querela" and reared a family of eight children. But this happy union had not 
been without its distresses. For the Latin inscription proceeds to tell, that of 
their eight children, six were called to heaven before their parents, and two 
sons only were spared, upon whom they bestowed a liberal education ; that James, 
becoming a member of the society of Jesus, settled in Madrid ; and that Hypolitus, 
the younger, was attached to the same society in Belgio Gaul, being rcfolvod to 
<>nrol himself under the banners of Christ, and with sad tears had closed tlio 
tomb of his widowed mother, the best of parents. She died, it is further .stated, 
a widow, upon the Slst of July 1617, aged fifty-seven. As her mistress was 
beheaded in the month of February 1.587, Barbara Mowbray must then have 


been about tweuty-seveu years of ago. The same stouc narrates, that under it 
also reposes tlie body of Elizabeth Curio (she who had been on the scaflfbld with 
Queen Mary), " semper ccelebs" who died upon the 29111 of May 1620, aged sixty. 
It thus appears that she and Barbara Mowbray were of the same age. The 
inscription bears to have been placed by Hypolitus Curie, the brother of Eliza- 
beth. It refers to the monument of their beloved mistress placed above them 
on the pillar, but aifords no confirmation of the story of the abstracted head. 
There are few obituaries so touching as this tomb in the Church of St Andrew 
at Antwerp. 

The fate of Jane Kennedy (who bound the embroidered kerchief upon the eyes 
of Mary on the scaffold), if less romantic, was more melancholy. After her union 
to Melville, they were both in the highest favour with James VI. ; and when 
that monarch was arranging the preliminaries of his marriage, in 1589, Sir 
Andrew was the master of his household ; and the lady whom he selected to 
attend his queen was Sir Andrew's spouse. But she who had shrouded the 
eyes of Mary at the block, was not destined to wait on the mother of Charles I, 
When Jane Kennedy received this high and well earned mark of her sovereign's 
confidence, she was residing in Fife. Though the storms were so great as to bo 
considered the effect of a combination of witches against the royal alliance, no- 
thing could deter her from instantly crossing the water. The result we shall 
give in the words of her brother-in-ia,w. Sir James Melville : 

" The stormes wer also sa gret heir, that ane boit perissit between Brunteland 
and Leith, wherein was a gentilvvoman callit Jane Kenete, wha had been lang 
in England with the queen his majestee's mother ; and was, sensyu, maried upon 
my brother, the maister houshald to his majestie. Sir Andro Melville of Garvok. 
Quhilk gentilwoman, being discret and grave, was sent for be his majestic to be 
about the queen his bed-fallow. Sche, being willing to mak deligence, wald not 
stay, for the storm, to saill the ferry ; when the vehement storm drave a schip 
forceably upon the said boit, and drownit the gentilwoman, and all the persons 
except twa. This the Sootis witches confessit, unto his majestie, to have done." J 

NOTE II. Vol. II. p. 441. 


[Our author narrates the history of that popish plot, which is known by the 
name of the conspiracy of the " Spanish Blanks," in his usual minute and inter- 
esting style. But he has not recorded all the circumstances attending the fate 
of the unfortunate sufferers. " Mr George Kerr," says the archbishop (p. 425, 
vol. ii.), " at his examination, did ingenuously confess all that he knew of the 
business." Dr Robertson, in his History of Scotland, comes a point nearer the 
truth. Me says, " But Ker's resolution shrinking when torture was threatened, 
he confessed that he was employed by these noblemen to carry on a negotiation 
with the king of Spain." Dr M'Crie, in his life of Andrew Melville, has it, 
that, " Graham of Fintry, and Ker, being both examined before the Privy 
Council, testified" &c. Even Mr Tytler has not recorded the circumstances, 
although he mentions, in a cursory manner, that Ker's confession had been 
extorted by torture under the superintendence of the king himself. But David 
Moysie, in his contemporary memoirs, says, " It wes thocht meit, because of 
Mr George Keris denyeH, that he suld be butted; and the Justice-clerk (Bellen- 
den), and Mr William Hairte, being bosted be his freindis, durst not doe the 
earn untill the tyme his majesty, taking the maiter hiechly, n.iold have the same 


donne ; and, efter the secand streak, he crtjed for mercie, and confest all," (p. 
100.) This record affords an important comment:iry upon that sentence of our 
author, Spottiswoode, where he says, (p. 426), " This so manifest a discovery of 
popish plots, tending not only to the overthrow of roli^ion but also of the realm , 
which by this treasonable practice should have been reduced to a miserable 
slavery, did animate the king much against the Jesuits." The confessions, with 
the intercepted blanks and letters, were all published at the express command 
of the king, and with an admonitory preface, like a sermon on the occasion, 
drawn up by a minister. The treatise issued from the press of the king's printer, 
Robert Waldcgrave, 1593. Mr Pitcairn has reprinted the confessions in his 
Criminal Trials, and considers the tract almost unique. There is one copy in 
that gentleman's possession, and another in the Advocates Library. The king's 
own violent and cruel conduct, in the invest i;^ation of the affair of the Spanish 
blanks, of course encouraged the excitement cf the Kirk against the popish lords ; 
nor is it to be wondered at, that the commissioners should have reminded him 
of his own demeanour and expressions, upon the fearful occasion which our 
author so simply records as "the hearing of Mr George Kerr his confession," 
(p. 441). 

It is somewhat singular, that no historian of the period, from Spottiswoode to 
Tytlcr, should have noticed, that the leading commissiouer from the Kirk, at 
this eventful crisis, was the most remarkable man of his day, John Napier of 
Merchistou, who at the very time was brooding over the wonderful conception 
which so completely revolutionized science iu the seventeenth century. It is 
difficult to say whether he himself regarded that laborious and immortal work, 
or his no less laborious but mortal antipathy to the Popedom, as the principal 
mission of his genius upon earth. Certainly his mind was about equally divided 
between the mysteries of Numbers and tlie mysteries of the Apocalypse ; 
and while calculating the Canon Mirijicus Loyarithmcrum, he was at the 
same time miscalculating the day of judgment. Tlio affair of the Spanish 
blanks had greatly excited him ; so much so, that upon this occasion only, 
during all his life, he emerged from the deep shadow of his mystciiuus studies, 
to become a public agitator. The whole circumstances connected with his 
intervention, for tlie Kirk, with the king at this crisis, are so curiously illus- 
trative of the times as to occasion regret that the narrative had not found its 
proper place in the pages of Spottiswoode, 

It was known that the eldest son of the master of the mint was highly and 
rarely gifted. Mr Pvobcrt Pont, particulai-ly mentioned by our author as a leader 
of the Kirk, was the parish minister of the barony of Merchiston, and the 
intimate friend of the " fear of Merchiston," or young laird ; who, by the way, 
was only fifteen years younger than his venerable father. His very learned 
minister Pout, at once an accomplished mathematician and a profound theolo- 
gian, iu one of his abstruse works refers to Napier as " honoratum et apprimfe 
eruditum amicum nostrum fidelem Christi servum, Joauuem Naperum, cujus 
extant in Apocalypsin u5ro|t<v>i^aTa,"(DoSabbaticorum AnuorumPeriodis, 1619.) 
Sir John Skene of Curriehill, clerk-register, to whom we owe the first collection 
of the Scottish Acts of parliament, the. /iVi/i^m I\fajestatem,the Quoniam Atlachia- 
menta, and the De Verboriim Signljicationc, being puzzled with an article in the 
last mentioned treatise, tells us that, in order to extricate himself, '* I thought 
gud to propone certaine questions to John Naper, fear of IMorchistoun, ane 
gentleman of singular judgment and learning, especially in the mathomatiquo 
sciences." As that work was only published iu 1597 (seventeen years before the 
publication of the Logarithmic Canon), Skene's estimate of Napier was contem- 
poraneous with his taking up the cause of the Kirk against the plots of Spain. 
There is evidence, however, not a little curious and interesting, that even before 
this time the King of Numbers folt perfectly assured in his own mind of his 
great discovery, as will appear in the scqncl. 


Speaking of the destruction of the Spanish Armada ia 1588, our author^ 
Spottiswoode, says, " This was the marvellous year, talked of so long before by 
the astrologues, which this defeat, and the accidents that fell forth in France 
about the end of the same year, did in a part make good," (vol. ii. p. 389.) The 
other remarkable events of the period were, the death of Catherine de Medicis, 
(" bludie Jezabell to the sancts of God," as James Melville, the minister, calls her 
in his diary), the murders of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise, at the instigation 
of Henry III., and the assassination of that monarch himself. These events are 
thus succinctly recorded by Melville. " The Due and Cardiuale wer sleau in Decem- 
ber 1588 ; the quein, for hartscarness, foUowit in Januar ; and the king was stickit 
the August following," (Diary, p. 177). If even in the nineteenth century, when 
superstition is understood to be banished from civilized life, the scripture mys- 
teries are continually supposed to be revealed by political events, we must not 
wonder that in the year 1588 such events were regarded as the fulfilment of 
ancient prophecy. The mind of Napier was particularly agitated at that alarm- 
ing crisis. He had been long brooding over the depths of the Apocalypse. Be- 
fore he had completed his fourteenth year, and when at the college of St 
Andrews, he had held disputations on the subject, of which ho gives this very 
graphic account : " In my tender years and bairuago in Sauct Androis, at tho 
schooles, having ou the one part contracted a loving famiUarity with a certain, 
gentleman, a papist, and, on the other part, being attentive to the sermons of 
that worthy man of God, Maister Christopher Goodman, teaching upon the 
Apocalyps, I was so moved in admiration against the blindness of papists, that 
could not most evidently see their seven-hilled city, Rome, painted out there so 
lively by Saint John, as the mother of all spiritual whoredom, that not only 
burstil I out in continual reasoning, against my said familiar, but also from 
thenceforth I determined with myself, by the assistance of God's Spirit, to em- 
ploy my study and diligence to search out the remanent mysteries of that holy 
book : as, to this hour, praised be the Lord, I have been doing at all such times 
as conveniently I might have occasion." Galileo, when a few years older, was 
also roused to powerful mental exertion, in the house of God. But it was his 
eye, not his ear that was.attracted, — a characteristic diiference between the prac- 
tical and the speculative philosopher which continued throughout their respec- 
tive careers. In the cathedral of Pisa, to which city the young Italian had 
been sent for the benefit of an university education, he fixed his gaze upon the 
vibrations of a lamp. Amid the pageantry of that worship against which 
Napier warreJ, and of which Galileo was the victim, he watched with the eye of 
an eaglet the isochronal movements of the chain, and measured them by tho 
beatings of his pulse. The result was the pendulum. 

But to return to Napier and the "marvellous year ;" he also tells us himself, 
that after many doubts and despairings, at length a light from above seemed 
suddenly to burst upon his hitherto obscure and painful lucubrations. " Then," 
says he, " greatly rejoicing in the Lord, I began to write thereof in Latin, yet I 
purposed not to have set out the same suddenly, and far less to have written tlio 
same also in English ; till that of late, this new insolency of papists, arising 
about the 1588 year of God, and daily increasing within this island, doth, so iiitij 
our Itcarls, seeing them put more trust in Jesuits and seminary priests than in 
the true Scriptures of God, and in the Pope and king of Spain than in the King 
of kings, that, to prevent the tame, I was constrained of compassion, leaving the 
Latin, to haste out in English this present work, almost unripe, that thereby the 
simple of this island may be instructed, the godly confirmed, and the proud and 
foolish expectations of the wicked beaten down ; purposing hereafter, God will- 
ing, to publish shortly tho other Latin edition hereof, to the publick utility of 
the whole Church." 

This was written with a direct reference to the exciting circumstances under 
which Napier was commissioned from the Kirk to the king, in the year 1593, 


For a time his miud was completely engrossed with these stormy politics, which 
were coincident with his labours to demonstrate, by means of a scientific ana- 
lysis of the Scriptures, that the end of all things was not far distant. Yet it can 
be proved that even in the "marvellous year," 1588, he alone of all the world, 
and in the days of Tycho, GaUlco, and Kepler, was laboriously working out the 
discovery of the Logarithms, although he did not present that powerful lever to 
science until the year 1614. The risk was, that his literary crusade against the 
Popedom, and his devotion to the affairs of the Kirk, might have buried the 
secret in his grave. And, indeed, his own ardent anticipations, which he an- 
nounces in the preface to his great mathematical work, of the mighty impetus 
thus about to bo afforded to human investigation iu its highest departments, 
must have been somewhat checked and mortified by the persuasion, that, in the 
course of a very few generations, the dominion of man upon earth was to cease, 
and the heavens to pass away like a scroll. 

The circumstances under which Napier was placed at the head of the com- 
mission from tlie Kirk are somewhat curious. He had now for a long time been 
married to his second wife, Agnes Chisholra, the daughter of Sir James Chis- 
holm of Cromlix, by whom he had a numerous family of sons. His only son by 
his first marriage to Elizabeth Stirling of Keir, was at this time attached to tho 
household of the king ; and served him faithfully afterwards in England, for 
fifteen years, as gentleman of his bed-chamber. James, when on his deathbed, 
recommended Archibald Napier to Charles I. ; and, accordingly, he was the first 
Scotchman whom that monarch raised to the peerage. While on the one hand 
there was this Unk between John Napier and the Court, on the other a yet closer 
tie existed between him and the persecuted party of the popish lords. In the 
confession extorted by the king from poor Ker, (who was the brother of Lord New- 
bottle,) by that infernal instrument the iron boot, he states, " That the filling of 
the blanks was trusted to Mr William Crichton and Mr James Tyrie ; and that 
Sir James Chisholme, one of the king's master households, was first cho?on to be 
carrier of the blanks ; but that he being impeded through some private business, 
they were delivered to him (Ker) subscribed in the beginning of October, he 
being then in Edinburgh," (p. 42G.) Napier's father-in-law bad thus escaped 
the iron boot, but was not allowed to rest by the Ku'k. " Tho ministers of the 
synod of Fife," says Spottiswoode, " meeting at St Andrews in the beginning of 
October 1593, did summarily excommunicate the earls of Angus, Huntly, and 
Erroll, the Lord Home, and Sir James Chisholme. They sent letters also to all 
the presbyteries, desiring their excommunication to bo published in all tho 
churches ; and particularly required the ministers, and well-affected barons, to 
advise what course was fittest to take for defence of religion, and repressing the 
practices of enemies," (p. 437.) This rabid synod was very violent against the 
delinquents, declaring them "■ipso facto cut off from Christ and his Kirk, and so 
become most worthy to be declared excommunicated, and cut off from the fel- 
lowship of Clirist and his Kirk, and to be given over to the hands of Satan, 
whose slaves they are, that they may learn, if it so please God, not to blaspheme 
Christ or his Gospel." They added that, " the said Sir James Chisholm being 
one of the principal complices and devisers of their most malicious plots, the 
said synod found that they had good interest and occasion to excommunicate 
and cut him off," &c. (Calderwood.) If John Napier's numerous family attended 
their parish church on the day appointed, they must have heard pronounced from 
the pulpit their grandfather's doom, to bo excluded from tho social comforts of 
life, the blessings of the Church, and delivered into the hands of Satan ; and this 
under the auspices of their own father. 

As Spottiswoode narrates (vol. ii. p. 4.".}$), this violent proceeding on the part 
of the Kirk greatly incensed the king, although his own treatment of the brother 
of the Abbot of Ncwbottle set the liighcet example to such tyrannical oppret- 
siou. But our author has passed over in a very cursory manner the graphic 


incident of the popish lords' appeal to the king on the highway, which acceler- 
ated the violent proceedings of the Kirk against them. 

On the r2th October 1593, King James, harassed by his clergy and haunted 
by witches, now dreading the king of Spain, and now in terror for the wild earl 
of Bothwell, was trotting at the head of his retinue to the borders, with the 
temper of a goaded ox. Suddenly a most unwelcome apparition arrested his 
progress at Fala. The earls of Angus, Huutly, and Erroll, and Sir James 
Chisholme, had been hiding themselves among the mountains. Aware of the 
royal progress, they determined to extort some favourable expressions from the 
king himself, and most unexpectedly started up in his path, at the foot of Soutra 
hill. Falling on their knees before him, they earnestly implored a fair trial, and 
that they should not be condemned unheard. James, though favourable to the 
supplicants, was very much alarmed for the interpretation that might be put on 
this audience, and refused to treat with them. But, instead of ordering them 
into custody, he dismissed them without committing himself, and immediately 
sent a report of the whole affair, by the master of Glammis and the abbot of 
Lindores, to Queen Elizabeth's ambassador and the clergy in Edinburgh. " It 
was," says the minister Melville, in his diary, " verie greivus to the Breathrin 
to heir that the saids excummunicat lords haid repearit to his majestic, and 
spoken him at Faley, even immediately before the meeting of the Kirk. This 
\ra,s given in commission to be regratit." 

Upon this it was, that the excommunication of these persecuted noblemen and 
gentlemen of the popish persuasion, was ratified in a very excited convention of 
the Kirk, on the 17th October 1593, and public proclamation of the same 
ordained to be made from all the pulpits. The same convention appointed a 
select committee to follow the king wherever he was bound, and to lay before 
him, in a personal interview, certain instructions for the punishment of the 
rebels, the safety of the Kirk, and the quieting of the public mind. This mission 
was considered so perilous, that the ministers, not usually backward in the 
political storms of their religion, declined it very nearly to a man. Their sturdy 
moderator, however, James Melville, then stepped forward to assert the courage 
of the school of Knox. The two barons selected for the adventure must have 
been considered among the most able and courageous of the convention. And 
certainly it affords a curious trait of the times, that the leading commissioner, 
and who no doubt must have been the spokesman with the king, was the son-in-law 
of Sir James Chisholme, a principal delinquent ; namely, John Napier younger of 
Merchiston. James Melville, in his diary (p. 208), says, " It behoved me (all 
uther refusing except Mr Patrick Galloway, the kingis ordinar minister, who 
was to go thither) to tak jorney to Jedwart, accompanied with twa barrones, 
the lairds of Merchiston and Caderwoode, and twa burgesses of Edinbruche ; 
whar finding the king, were hot bauchlie lookit upon." That the leading com- 
missioner was the philosopher, and not his father, is distinctly proved by the 
following record : 

"17 October 1593. Petitiones per commissarios Ecclesue Scoticarue Regi 
exhibitae." [Here follows the petition.] " Theise foreseid petitionis and conclu- 
sions being read and considered by the commissioners of the Kirk, barons and 
burghs present, the said commissioners agreed to the same, and promised to 
stand by them ; and, for this purpose, hath directed in commission these 
brethren, the laird of Merkinston younger, the laird of Calderwood, the com- 
missioners of Edenburghe and Dundee, Mr Patrick Galloway, and Mr James 
Melville, to present these humble petitionis to the kingis majestie, and to re- 
tourne his majestie's answer back with all diligence. Ordains the excom- 
munications of the earls of Huntly, Angusse, and Erroll, the laird of Auchin- 
downe, and Sir James Chesholrae, to be intimate in all the kiikes of Lowthian, 
the next Sabbothe." (Bibl. Cotton, Caligula, d. 2, fol. 190 ; Fwdera, xvi. p. 222.) 

The reception of these commissioners by his majesty at Jedburgh, and what 


passed upon the occasion, is narrated by our author (vol. ii. pp. 440, 441), who 
adds, " After these speeches, they humbly besought his majesty to vouchsafe 
the Assembly some answer in writing ; but he absolutely refused, and so they 
took their leave." James Melville, however, expressly says, that they got their 
answers in writing next morning. Upon the 20th of October, the convention 
received the commissioners, "their brethren, and good frendes, the larde of 
Warchistou younger" &c., who delivered the king's answers. {Fcedera, xvi.) 

It is also remarkable that Spottiswoode should have been ignorant, or have 
omitted to record, that the leading commissioner for the Kirk at this desperate 
crisis followed np his unsatisfactory interviews with a severe lecture to his 
Majesty ; and this in the form of a published letter, framed in the most uncom- 
promising and dictatorial spirit of the Kirk, though tempered with the language 
and manner of a gentleman. This bold and somewhat rash remonstrance, was 
ere long translated into all the languages of Europe. It was in the month of 
October 1593, that the commissioners met the king at Jedburgh, and afterwards 
at Linlithgow. A third deputation laid the same petition before him in Decem- 
ber following ; because, in the intermediate month of November, the act of 
abolition had been proclaimed, to the great dismay and dissatisfaction of tho 
protestant party. Now, tho following letter (prefixed by way of dedication to 
Napier's " Plain Discovery,") is dated at Merchiston the 2J)th of January 1593, 
— that is to say, the month oi JnuMary fol/oicinr; the audiences with his Majesty, 
the 25th of March being, at that period, reckoned New Year's Day. 

" To the Right Excellent, High and Mightie Prince, James the Sixt. 
King of Scottes, Grace and Peace, &c. 
" Forsomuch (right highe and mightie Prince) as both this our divine prophet 
St John, intreating here most speeiallie of the destruction of tho Auti-christian 
seate, citie, and kingdomo, doth direct the execution of that great worke of 
God's justice and just judgement to the kings of the earth : as also, tho whole 
prophets of al ages have for the most part directed al their admonitions gene- 
rally to kings, princes, and governors, to tho effect that they (as Heads-men) 
being by holy admonitions forewarned, might (according thereto) holdo all the 
whole body of their commoun wealth in good order, — for certaine it is that the 
heade, being well affected, will of ncccssitie ministrat health and wholsomo 
humors to the whole body, — Therefore it is likewise the dutie of God's servants 
in this age, interpreters of prophecies, as well (according to the example of tho 
prophet^^) to incourage and inanimate princes to be ready against that greate 
day of the Lord's revenge, as also to exhort them generally to remove all such 
impediments in their cuntrics and common wealths as may hinder that work 
and procure God's plagues. For the which causes wee, also all your Majesties 
subjects that any waies (how litle soever) have addicted our studies unto these 
propheticall mysteries, do not onely crave your Highness to abide conr^tant and 
couragious against that day of the destruction of that Apostatik seate and citie, 
in case (God willing) it fall in your time, but also in tlie meantime, nntill the 
reformation of that idolatrous seate, to be preparing and purging your Majesties 
own scat and kingdom from all the enemies of that cause : yea, and from all 
others any waies enemies or abusers of justice. For vercly and in tinieth, such 
is the injury of this our present time, against both the Church of God and your 
Majesties true lieges, that Religion is despised, and Justice titterly neglected : 
for what by Atheists, Papists, and cold professors, the religion of God is 
mocked in al estates : Againe, for partialitio, prolixitie, dearth, and deceitful- 
ness of lawcs, tho pooro parishe, the proud triumphe, and justice is no wlicre to 
bo found. Praying your Majestic to attend your self unto these enormities, and 
(without casting over the credito thereof to wrong wresters of justice) your 
Majesties self to wit certainly that justice bo <lono to these your true and godly 
lieges, against the enemies of God's church, and their most cruell oppressors : 


Assuring your Majesty, be concordance of al Scriptures, that if your Majestio 
ministrate Justice to them, God the supreme judge shal ministrate justice to you 
against al your enemies, and contrarily if otherwise. Therefore Sir, let it be 
your Majesties contiuuall study (as called and charged thereunto by God) to 
reforme the universall enormities of your country ; and first (taking example of 
the princely prophet David) to begin at your Majesties owne house, familie and 
court, and purge the same of all suspicion of Papists and Atheists or Newtrals, 
•whereof this Revelation foretelleth that the number shall greatly increase in 
these latter daics. For shall any Prince be able to be one of the destroyers of 
that great seat, and a purger of the world fi-om Anti-christianisme, who purgeth 
not his own countrie ? shal he purge his whole country, who purgeth not his 
owne house 1 or shal heo purge his house, who is not purged himselfe by private 
meditations with his God ? 1 say therefore, as God hath mercifully begunne the 
first degree of that great worke in your inward minde by purging the same from 
all apparantspot of Antichristianismc, (as that fruitfull meditation upon the 7. 8. 
9. and 10. verses of the 20. Chapter of the Revelation, which your Highness hath 
both godly and learnedly set forth, doth beare plaine testimony, to your Majes- 
ties high praise and honour,) so also wee beseeche your Majestic (having consid- 
eration of the treasonable practices in these present daies, attempted both 
against God's trueth, your authoritie, aud the common wealth of this countrie,) 
to proceedo to the other degrees of that reformation, even orderly from your 
Majesties owne persone til your highnes familie, and from your family to your 
court ; til, at last, your Majesties whole country stand reformed in the feare of 
God, ready waiting for that great day in the which it shall please God to call 
your Majestic, or yours after you, among other reformed princes, to that great 
and universall reformation, and destruction of that Antichristian seat and citie 
Rome, according to the wordes prophecied, Apoc. 17. saying, — The ten horns are 
ten Kings, &c. these are they that shall hate that harlot, and shall make her 
desolate and naked, and shall eate up her flesh and burne herselfe with fire ; — 
beside also a warrant and commaund generally given to all men, Apoc. 18, say- 
ing, — Rcwarde her even as sheo hath rewarded you, and give her double accord- 
ing to her workes, and in the cup that she hath filled to you, fill her the double. 
And now, because the spirit of God, both by all his prophets generally, and by 
St John particularly commends and directs the execution of justice to kings 
and rulers, I trust no man shall thinke that this our Discovery (wherein is con- 
tained God's justice and severe judgment against the Antichristian seate) can 
more justly be dedicate unto any man than unto these ten Christian kings, 
sometimes maintainers of that seate, whome or whose successors now both the 
prophet promises to be executers of that judgment, as also in whose kingdomes 
reformation is already begunne ; but, because of these kingdomes, sometimes 
maintainors of that seate and nowe desisting therefro, this your Majesties 
realme is undoubtedly one, as also this present treatise, both being written by 
your Highnes subject and in your Majesties native language, — were uuproper 
to be directed to any of the other princes. Therefore, of necessitie I am led (as 
by the eare) to direct and dedicate these primices and first fruites of my study 
unto your highnes ; wherein, if perchance I should seme any waies more pre- 
sumpteous then acceptable, I doubt not but your Majesties clemencie will 
pardone that presumption that comes of necessitie : But contrarily, if I herein 
shall be found acceptable, (as verely I look for of your Majesties humanitie) 
then certainly, not onely conjoyne I unto the former necessitie a voluntary 
heart, and so do ofi"er these presents both gladly and necessarily unto your 
Highnes, but also it shall incoui-age both me and others your Majesties lieges, 
to proceede, every man in his own calling, to all kinde of godly workes and 
good exercises, to the honour of God, edification of his Church, your Highness 
renowne, and welfare to your Majesties realme, when they shall finde your 
clemencie to become the patrone aud protector of all zealous fstudcnts, and an 


allower and accepter of their godly exercises. For let not your Majestic doubt 
but that there are witliin your realme (als wol as in other countries) godly and 
good ingyues, versed and exercised in al manor of honest scicuce and godly dis- 
cipline, who by your Majesties instigation might yeelde foorth workes andfruites, 
worthie of memory, which otherwise (lacking some mightie Maecenas to iucour- 
ago them) may pereliance be buried with eternall silence. Hoping, therefore 
that your Highnes will be a protector of us and our godly exercises, wee pray 
and humblie beseech the Almightie to be also unto your Higncs selfe, and most 
honourable bedfellowe the queenes Majestic, a pcrpetuall protector of your 
honourable estates and welfare of persones, both in body and soule, to the 
quieting of your Majesties lieges, increase of the true Church, and honour of 
God ; to whome, in Triuitio and Unitie, bee praise for ever. At Marchistouu 
the 29 daye of Januar. 1593. 

" Your highnes most humble and obedient subject, 

" JoH\ Napier, Fear of Marchistoun." 

As a frontispiece to this epistle, the philosopher selected the arms matrimonial 
of Scotland and Denmark, in compliment to the King's recent alliance. But 
underneath the heraldic conjuuctiou, he caused to be printed, in capital letters, 
this solemn warning : " In vaine arc al earthlie conjunctions, unles wo be heires 
together, and of one bodie, and fellow partakers of the promises of God in 
Christ, as the Evangell." 

In this very characteristic production, which rates the king for not " purg- 
ing his house " of such Masters of the Household as the excellent Sir James 
Chisholme, Napier's own father-in-law, a sentence occurs that is well worth 
noting. It was little heeded or understood by those to whom it was addressed, 
and has scarcely been noticed or understood since. At a time when the elements 
of civil and religious sanity were all in a state of solution, and violent conflict 
during the most vicious age of a semi-barbarous_ nation, one man, himself an 
agitator of this unpromising chaos, announces the advent of the great era of 
science, in the glory of which Scotland, through his solitary mean;?, was to be a 
proud partaker. 

" In the desert a fountain is springing, 
In the wide waste there yet is a tree." 

Abstracting his mind for a moment from the turbulent arena, so little 
congenial to his habits and his dostiuy, forgetting alike the mystical terrors of 
the beast witli ten horns, and the near approach of the day of judgment, he tells 
the king, " Let not your JIajesty doubt but that there are within your realm, 
as well as in other countries, godly and good ingyues (geniuses) versed aud 
exercised in all manner of honest science and godly discipline, who by your 
Majesty's instigation might yield forth works and fruits loorthy of memory, 
which otherwise, lacking some mighty Maecenas to encourage them, may per- 
chance be buried with eternal silence." 

This might easily pass, and no doubt has generally done so, for a natural 
invocation in favour of science, from one more or less devoted to its interests. 
But it had a deeper and more precise signification. The writer of that sentence, 
while parading in the midst of a barbarous age his imaginary key to tho 
Apocalypse, which, in weaker and weaker hands, has been constantly and 
vainly applied ever since, had in his pocket a key to science, so true, and so 
powerful, as to change the face of it in a few years. The Logarithms is a power 
in Numbers that bears the same relation to mathematical operations as the 
telescope to physical research, and steam to mechanical forces. Indeed, %vith- 
out tho first of these three mighty impulses, science was not ripe for tho other 
two. To this secret it was that Napier principally alluded in that solemn 
sentence to his sovereign. The fact can be distinctly proved, and is not deduced 


merely from the circumstance of his great discovery having appeared many 
years afterwards. He communicated the discovery to Tycho Brake immedi- 
ately after the date of his letter to James VI. Tycho, however, died in ignorance 
of the value of the hint, and perhaps of its meaning. Kepler, the pupil and 
associate of the King of Astronomy, only remembered the neglected communica- 
tion when, more than twenty years thereafter, his first inspection of the Canon 
MiRiFicus impelled him to write a most elaborate and enthusiastic espistle to 
its honoured author. These latent events were co-extensive with the rudest and 
most turbulent times of ovir church history ; and the curious but abstruse 
evidence by which they can be distinctly proved, is well worthy of being added 
to the pages of Spottiswoode. 

Not long before the date of Napier's letter to James VI. the monarch had 
returned from his matrimonial adventure in Denmark. In that expedition ho 
was accompanied by his physician, Dr John Craig, who was an old and valued 
friend of John Napier. Their fathers. Sir Archibald Napier of Merchiston, and 
Sir Thomas Craig of Riccarton, (the great Feudist,) had been colleagues together 
in the office of Justice-depute. The sons became intimate from the congeniality 
of their pursuits. John Craig was the third son of the Feudist, and highly 
distinguished as a mathematician. A rare and little known record of his fame 
in that respect is extant in a small volume of Latin epistles, printed at Bruns- 
wick in the year 1737, and dedicated, by the collector Rud. Aug. Noltenius, to 
the duke of Brunswick. The three first letters in this collection are from Dr 
John Craig to Tycho Brahe, and prove the former to have been upon the most 
friendly and confidential footing with the illustrious Dane. He addresses 
Tycho as his "honoured friend," and signs himself, "your most afiectionate 
John Craig, doctor of philosophy and medicine." The first letter commences 
thus : " About the beginning of last winter, that distinguished personage, Sir 
William Stuart, delivered to me your letter, and the book which you sent." 
The date of this letter is not given, but is thus curiously ascertained. I have 
had in my hand a mathematical work of Tycho's, belonging to the library of the 
Edinburgh University, upon the first blank leaf of which there is written, in 
Latin, a sentence to the following efi'ect : " To Doctor John Craig of Edinburgh, 
in Scotland, a most illustrious man, and highly gifted with varied and excellent 
learning, professor of medicine, and exceedingly skilled in mathematics, Tycho 
Brahe hath sent this gift, and, with his own hand, hath written this at Urani- 
burg, 2 November 1588." Now it appears, from contemporary chronicles, that 
Sir William Stewart, who was captain of the king's guard, had been sent to 
Denmark, in the month of August 1588 (the " marvellous year "), to arrange the 
preliminaries of the royal marriage, and that he returned to Edinburgh on the 
15th of November in that same year. It cannot be doubted, that the old book 
in the College Library, the inscription on which bears date 2d November 1588, 
when Sir William Stewart was actually in Denmark, is the identical one the 
receipt of which, from the same distinguished emissary, is acknowledged in 
Craig's letter to Tycho, preserved in the little rare volume printed at Bruns- 
wick. That letter, then, must have been written in the year 1589. Moreover, 
Dr John Craig was physician in ordinary to King James. 

Our author has narrated {supra, vol. ii. p. 405,) the royal progress to the Court 
of Denmark, in the first month of the year 1590, after his majesty's romantic 
expedition to meet his bride in Norway. But he has omitted to record the fact, 
that, among the festivities and amusements which the king then enjoyed, was a 
visit to Tycho Brahe, at Uraniburg. Here was then planted the throne of science ; 
nor can we doubt that the visit was suggested by Dr John Craig, who accompanied 
his majesty in the capacity of royal physician. Craig had long desiderated an 
opportunity of visiting Tycho. In his letter of 1589, above referred to, he states 
that five years before the date of that letter, ho had made an attempt to reach 
Uraniburg, but had been driven back by tempests ; and that ever since, being 


more and more atti-acted by tho rci)ort3 of Tycho's fame, and of tho magnificent 
scale and appointments of bis observatory, he had been ardently longing to 
satisfy at once his friendship and his curiosity. The storm which baffled him in 
1.584 was scarcely to be regretted, since be now accomplished his desire in the 
train of a monarch. It is also remarkable that our liistorians of a more modem 
dato than Spottiswoode should have passed in silence this graphic incident in 
the one romantic chapter of the life of King James. We might have expected 
it to have been admirably told in the Tales of a Grandfather ; where, however, 
the king's adventurous gallantry is not recorded at all ; the fact merely being 
stated that " King James VI. of Scotland married the daughter of the king of 
Denmark, called Ann of Denmark." Nor has Scott mentioned the visit to 
Uraniburg in his notice of the Danish match, which occurs in the history of 
Scotland written for Lardner's Cyclopaedia. Tytler slightly alludes to the 
fact. Yet not only was it the most curious adventure in the domestic life of the 
monarch, but, as will appear in the sequel, it had encouraged and accelerated 
the imoxpected impulse which the progress of science derived from savage 

In the island of Huen, at the mouth of the Baltic, Frederick II. of Denmark had 
seated the great astronomer on a prouder throne than his own ; bestowing upon 
him honours and revenues, and every aid and encouragement which Tycho's 
soaring genius could desire. Arabia had been lavish of her stores to renovated 
science ; and now tho most romantic tales of eastern magic and splendour 
seemed realized in the north. Upon the 8th of August 1.570, the first stone of 
the far-famed castle of Uraniburg was laid in the island with which tho 
munificent patronage of Frederick had gifted the philosopher. Iluen, about 
eight miles in circumference, rises from the sea by a gentle elevation, so as to 
command the horizon on all sides ; and the edifice with which it was honoured 
was no less royal than the gift. The form was quadrangular, the dimensions 
being sixty feet on every face. It was flanked with lofty towers, thirty-two 
feet in diameter, the observatories of this palace of science. The whole estab- 
lishment was in keeping. Certain mysterious tubes, and other telegraphic con- 
trivances (not mysteries now), enabled the great man to communicate with his 
domestics as if by magic, and to obtain secret intelligence regarding his many 
visiters long before their arrival. And here it was that Tycho catalogued the 
stars with an accuracy, and to an extent, which threw the labours of Hipparchus 
and Ptolemy for ever in the shade. No instruments of power or nicety approxi- 
mating to his had hitherto been applied to physical research. Tycho in his 
youth was wild, fanciful, quarrelsome, and romantic' A dispute with a friend 
on the subject of mathematics was instantly brought to the arbitrement of the 
sword. The combat took place at seven o'clock of a dark evening in December. 
Tho stars refused to be accomplices in this unnatural demonstration of a mathe- 
matical truth. Tycho lost his nose. But the future king of Uraniburg was 
nothing daunted thereby ; and the ingenuity by which he supplied it is charac- 
teristic of the magnificence of his mind. He would have disdained that barbarous 
borrowing from the forehead, of which modern surgery is so vain ; and he 
rather gloried in an opportu;uty of obtaining a finer proboscis than any other 
mortal. Accordingly, with his own hands ho fashioned a nose of gold, silver, and 
ivory, exquisitely mingled, and thus restored he feared not to look either hcaveji 
or woman in tho face. An old French author, M. Savericn, ^vho has sketched 
some biogi-aphies of eminent philosophers, says of this precious nose, " Qu'il 
dtoit si bien fait, ct si bien ajnst<5, que tout le mondo le croroit naturcl. Cela 
pent etre ; mais on no conceit pas comment /V/r et Vnrgent pouvoient imitcr la 
ihair ; ces deux metaux ctoient apparcmont caches." Perhaps this aided to 
fascinate the beautiful peasant girl of whom Tycho was enamoured, and whom 
ho shortly afterwards married. This misalliance brought upon him such 
rigorous treatment from his noble family, tliat the king of Denmark thought it 


necessary to inter poso his good offices. And hence the astronomer himself 
became a sovereign on the island of Huen. To complete the picture of the man 
whom kings delighted to honour, by his side, the prime minister of his glorious 
toils, was the great Longomontanus ; and at his feet lolled his gifted idiot Lep, 
whom he fed from his own hand, and who repaid his master with prophecies 
and second-sight. But with all his natural powers and artificial appliances, 
in the essential department of mathematical calculation Tycho was compara- 
tively feeble. He wasted his genius in weaving systems out of his own imagina- 
tion, and fortifying them with his ingenuity. And thus it was that this great mind 
actually retrograded from the truths of Copernicus. The gigantic genius of his 
pupil Kepler subsequently towered above that difficulty. But the herculean 
task of unravelling the orbit of Mars, and determining the relative position of 
that planet with the sun and the earth, had nearly killed him. " The industry 
and patience of Kepler in this investigation," says Professor Playfair, " were 
not less remarkable than his ingenuity and invention. Logarithms were not yet 
known ; so that arithmetical computation, when pushed to great accuracy, was 
carried on at a vast expense of time and labour. In the calculation of every 
opposition to Mars, the work filled ten folio pages, and Kepler repeated each 
calculation ten times ; so that the whole work for each opposition extended to 
one hundred such pages ; seven oppositions thus calculated produced a large 
folio volume." 

From the exciting scenes of Uraniburg James VI. returned, with his bride 
and his retinue, in the month of May 1590, to bell the cat with his clergy in 
Scotland. The wonders which Dr John Craig had beheld in the Palace of 
Science, he could not fail to unfold to his friend in the old fortalice of Merchiston. 
To Napier was detailed his discussions with Tycho, and all the splendours, 
resources, triumphs, and difficulties, of the regal asti'onomer. A fresh impulse 
was thus given to the one original genius in Scotland. Amid the turbulence that 
immediately followed the return of the king ; the storm of the Spanish Blanks ; 
the escape of Francis earl of Bothwell, and of the hunted popish lords ; the 
solemn consignation of Napier's own father-in-law to the devil ; thunders from 
the pulpit, and yells from "the buits," science still occupied the mind of 
Napier, and he still thought of Uraniburg and Tycho Brahe. And hence those 
expressions to his ovrn sovereign, darkly intimating a power no less worthy of 
royal patronage than the achievements of the Dane. 

Unquestionably before this time, Napier, and he alone, had conceived the Logar- 
ithms. This is placed beyond all doubt by the fact that, at the very time when 
he addressed his epistle against papacy to James VI., he sent Tycho Brahe a 
promise of the new impulse to science. For this we have the authority of Kepler 
himself, who succeeded Longomontanus as the assistant and associate of Tycho. 
In a letter to his friend Petrus C'ugerus, a mathematician of Dantzick, after 
revelling in a sea of calculations, and naming and commenting upon some of the 
most distinguished improvers of trigonometrical power, he ardently exclaims : 
'' Nihil, auteni, supra Nepcrianam rationem esse puto : etsi, quidem, Scolus 
quidam, literis ad Tychonem anno 1594 scriptis, jam spem fecit Canonis illius 
Mirij!ci." " But nothing ia my opinion can surpass the numerical ratios of 
Napier ; and yet so early as in the year 1594 a certain Scotchman had conveyed 
by letter to Tycho a hope of that same Canon Mirijicus." (Kepleri Epistolm, a 
very rare folio.) Can the meaning of this be doubted? Dr Craig was the 
" Scotus quidam " who corresponded with Tycho ; and " Canon Mirificus Logar- 
ithraorum " was the title given by Napier to his great work, first published in 
1614. Conversations with his friend relating to the royal reception at Urani- 
burg, and the narration of tho difficulties in calculation by which the genius 
of the Danish astronomer was nearly overpowered, had induced Napier to 
transmit through Craig to Tycho a hint and a promise of the Logarithms, And 
Kepler had called this to mind, years afterwards, when he became so excited by 


the discovery as to write an enthusiastic and most laudatory epistle to Napier 
himself, giving him all the glory, who by that time was in his grave. 

But the evidence that it was Napier's friend Craig who transmitted this 
hint to Tycho in 1594, though irresistible as it stands, is more positively con- 
firmed by the following anecdote, told by Anthony Wood in the Athence 

" It must be now known, that one Dr Craig, a Scotchman, coming out of 
Denmark into his own country, called upon John Neper, baron of Merchiston, 
near Edinburgh, and told him, among other discourses, of a new invention in 
Denmark, by Longomonianus, as 'tis said, to save the tedious multiplication and 
division in astronomical calculations. Neper being solicitous to know further 
of him concerning this matter, ho could give no other account of it than that it 
was by proportional numbers. Which hint Neper taking, he desired him at his 
return to call upon him again. Craig, after some weeks had passed, did so, and 
Neper then showed him a rude draught of what ho called Canon Mirabilis 
Logarithmorum. Which draught, wth some alteration, he printing in 1614, it 
came forth into the hands of our author Briggs, and into those of Will Oughtred, 
from whom the relation of this matter came." 

This anecdote, combined with the circumstance of Craig's visit to Tycho in 
1590, and the subsequent statement by Kepler, that, in 1594, a certain Scotch- 
man communicated to the Dane by letter a promise of the Logarithms, places 
beyond all doubt or question the fact, that it was Napier who had transmitted 
the promise through his friend Craig, after his return from Denmark. But in 
other respects the anecdote is inaccurately and ignorantly told. It is impossible, 
as every mathematician will know, that Napier could have caught the hint from 
a reported conversation with Longomontanus, and in " some weeks " thereafter 
have produced the Canon of the Logarithms. He himself tells us, in his publi- 
cation, that the system was by him " longo elahoratum" and that a vast under- 
taking had been completed by his solitary toils, which ought, he says, to have 
been the work of many heads and hands. But if even the germ of this great 
discovery had come to Napier from Denmark, and had immediately thereafter 
been re-transmitted by him in blossom, from that moment the world must have 
been in possession of the Logarithms. On the contrary, however, for twenty 
years after the promise had been sent to Tycho (who lived not to see it fulfilled), 
down to the time when Napier published the discovery in 1614, Kepler and the 
world remained as ignorant of this revolution in science as if Napier had never 
breathed a syllable on the subject. This is most ardently declared by Kepler 
himself in his letter to Napier, written in 1619. 

No doubt the stormy state of Scotland, and the exciting affairs of the Kirk, 
upon which rude arena Napier unfortunately had come forth, must have retarded 
the advent of his great discovery. The mere practical arrangement of the system, 
for the use of science, involved the necessity of continual abstraction and toil, 
and to an extent which only accomplished mathematicians can accurately 
estimate. Moreover, however precious the gift of the Logarithms at the very 
dawn of the great era of applicatc science, it was of little use to dethrone the 
Beast, or to repel his ally the invading Spaniard. In such times the mind of 
Napier could not rest satisfied with unravelling the mysteries of the Apocalypse, 
and of Numbers. The Spanish Armada in 1588, and the constant expectation 
of a fresh invasion from that quarter in behalf of the Popedom, had caused him 
to apply his genius, as Archimedes had done of old, in defence of his country. 
A very curious indication of this is yet preserved in the library of Lambeth 
Palace, the history of which is not generally known, and connects with tho 
history of the Church. 

Our author Spottiswoodo, tells us (supra, p. 5.), that in the month of March 
J 596, " Tho Assembly of the Church convened at Edinburgh, for consulting upon 
the dangers threatened to religion by the invasion of the Spaniard, which was 


then generally noised. Some brothcrn directed to lay open the perils to his 
majesty, returned with this answer, ' That albeit there was no great cause to 
foar any such invasion at that time, yet they should do well to give their advice 
as if the danger were at hand, which would servo when necessity did require.' 
The Assembly upon this thought meet to enter into consideration both of the 
dangers and remedies ; and first to inquire upon the causes that had provoked 
God to threaten the realm with that tyrannous nation, to the end the same 
might bo removed ; then to deliberate, how by ordinary lawful means the enemy 
should be resisted." This last clause refers to the deliberations of the Kirk 
militant ; and, inter alia, it was advised, " that, in every parish, captains should 
be chosen for the mustering and training of men in arms." Such was the state 
of matters that impelled the leading commissioner from these conventions, to 
bring the stores of his scientific genius to bear practically upon the defence of 
his religion and his country, as the following very curious manuscript, preserved 
in the Lambeth collection, sufficiently proves. 

" Anno Domini 1596, the 7 of June, Secrett Invcntionis, proffitabill and neces- 
sary in theis dayes for defence of this Hand, and withstanding of strangers, 

enemies of God's truth and religion. 

" First, the invention, proofe and perfect demonstration, geometricall and 
allegebricall, of a burning mirrour, which, receving the dispersed beames of the 
Sonne, doth reflex the same beames alltogether united and concurring priselie 
[precisely] in one mathematicall point, in the which point most necessarelie it 
ingendreth fire, with an evident demonstration of their error who afiirmeth this 
to be made a parabolik section. 

" The use of this invention serveth for burning of the enemies shipps at what- 
soever appointed distance. 

" Secondlie, The invention and sure demonstration of another mirrour which 
receiving the dispersed beames of any materiall fier or flame yealdeth allsoe the 
former cfiect, and serveth for the like use. 

" TaiRDLiE, The invention and visible demonstration of a piece of artillery, 
which, shott, passetli not linallie through the enemie, destroying onlie those that 
stand on the randou thereof, and fra them forth flying idly, as utheris do ; but 
passeth superficially, ranging abrode within the whole appointed place, and not 
departing furth of the place till it hath executed his whole strength, by destroy- 
ing those that be within the boundes of the said place. 

" The use hereof not onlie serveth greatlie against the armie of the enemy on 
land, but alsoe by sea it serveth to destroy, and cut downe, and on-shott the 
whole mastes and tackling of so many shippes as be within the appointed 
boundes, as well abriei as in large, so long as any strength at all remayneth. 

" FuuiiTHi.iE, The invention of a round chariot of mettle made of the proofe 
of dooble muskett, whose motion shall be by those that be within the same, 
more easie, more light, and more spedie by much then so manie armed men 
would be otherwayes. 

" The use hereof, as well, in moving serveth to breake the array of the ene- 
mies battle and to make passage, as also, in staying and abiding within the 
enemies battle, it serveth to destroy the environed enemy by continuall charge 
and shott of harquebush through small hoalles ; the enemie in the meantime 
being abased and altogether uncertaine what defence or pursuit to use against 
a moving mouth of mettle. 

" These inventiones, besides devises of sayling under the water, with divers 
other devises and stratagemes for harming of the enemyes, by the grace of God 
and worke of expert craftesmen I hope to perform. 

" Jo. Neper, Fear of Marchistoun." 

[Endorsed] " Mr Steward, secretes inventiones de la guerre, le mois de 
Juillet, 1596." 

VOL. in. 9 


Tho indorsation of this document affords a key to tho transmission of it, and 
tends to explain how it came to be preserved among the papers of Anthony 
Bacon, in Lambeth Palace. 

In the beginning of tho year 159G, James VI., impelled by the agitations of 
his clergy, sent emissaries abroad, with offers of co-operation to all christian 
kings against the enemies of the Gospel. Colonel Stewart, commendator of 
Pittenweem, and captain of the king's guard, (the same who brought the book 
from Tycho to the king's physician,) was accredited for this purpose. In the 
month of April 1596, the news reached Scotland that a Spanish army of 25,000 
men had taken Calais, and that an English army of 30,000 had entered Spain, 
and attacked the city of Cadiz by sea and land. This was the glorious expedi- 
tion under Essex, Howard, and Raleigh. Anthony Bacon, (son of the famous 
Bacon,) among -whose papers Napier's propositions are found, and wliich appear 
to have been delivered to him, by Stewart, in the mouth of July 1596", was 
secretary to Essex. 

The accidental conflagration of a country seat, during the last century, destroyed 
a large collection of Napier's papers, possessed by a branch of his family. Thus 
perished all hope of illustrating, from his own manuscripts, these curious scant- 
lings of inventions ; which, fortunately instead of the Logarithms, " lacking 
some mighty Maecenas to encourage them, have been buried with eternal 
silence." His third proposition, however, seems so curiously corroborative of a 
passage in the works of Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty, (who docs not ap- 
pear to have been aware of the paper in the Lambeth collection,) that in conclu- 
sion we must add the story told by that strange author, who was born in tho 
lifetime of Napier. 

In a tract which he entitled, " The discovery of a most Exquisite Jewel, more 
precious than diamonds iuchascd in gold," Sir Thomas speaks of a Colonel Douglas, 
who, he says, was very serviceable to the States of Holland, and presented them 
with a paper, containing " twelve articles and heads of such wonderful feats for 
the use of the wars both by sea and land, to be performed by him, flowing from 
the remotest springs of mathematical secrets, and those of natural philosophy, 
that none of this ago saw, nor any of our forefathers ever heard the like, save 
what out of Cicero, Livy, Plutarch, and other old Greek and Latin writers we 
have couched, of the admirable inveutious made use of by Archimedes in de- 
fence of tho city of Syracusa, against the continual assaults of the Roman forces 
both by sea and land, under the conduct of Marcellus." The knight of Cromarty 
then introduces his celebrated episode about Napier of Mcrchiston and Crichton 
of Elliock, whom he classes together as the Castor and Pollux of Scottish 
letters. " To speak really," says he, " I think there hath not been any in this 
age of the Scottish nation, save Neper and Crichtoun, who, for abilities of the 
mind in matter of practical inventions useful for men of industry, merit to be 
compared with him : and yet of these two (notwithstanding their precellency in 
learning) I would be altogether silent (because I made account to mention no 
other Scottish men here, but such as have been famous for souldiery, and 
brought up at the school of Mars) were it not, that besides their profoundness 
in literature, they were inriched with military qualifications beyond expression. 
As for Neper, (otherways designed Lord Marchiston,) ho is for his logarithmical 
device so compleatly praised in that preface of the author's, which ushers a tri- 
gonometrical book of his, intituled, The Trissotctras, that to add any more there- 
unto, would but obscure with an empty sound the cleai'uess of what is already 
said : therefore I will allow him no share in this discourse, but in so far as con- 
cerneth an almost incomprehensible device, which being in tho mouths of the 
most of Scotland, and yet unknown to any that ever was in the world but him- 
self, deserveth very well to be taken notice of in this place ; and it is this : he 
had the skill (as is commonly reported) to frame an engine (for invention not 
much unlike that of Architas Dove) which, by vcrtue of some secret springs, 


inward resorts, with other implements and materials fit for the purpose, in- 
closed within the bowels thereof, had the power (if proportionable in bulk to 
the action required of it, for he could have made it of all sizes) to clear a field 
of four miles circumference, of all the living creatures exceeding a foot of 
height, that should be found thereon, how near soever they might be to one 
another ; by which means he made it appear, that he was able, with the help 
of this machine alone, to kill thirty thousand Turks, without the hazard of one 
Christian. Of this it is said, that (upon a wager) he gave proof upon a large 
plain in Scotland, to the destruction of a great many herds of cattol, and fiocka 
of sheep, whereof some were distant from other half a mile on all sides, and 
some a whole mile. To continue the thread of the story, as 1 have it, I must 
not forget, that, when he was most earnestly desired by an old acquaintance, 
and professed friend of his, even about the time of his contracting that disease 
whereof he dyed, he would be pleased, for the honour of his family, and his own 
everlasting memory to posterity, to reveal unto him the manner of the contriv- 
ance of so ingenious a mystery ; subjoining thereto, for the better perswading 
of him, that it were a thousand pities, that so excellent an invention should be 
buried with him in the grave, and that after his decease nothing should be 
known thereof : his answer was, That for the ruin and overthrow of man, there 
were too many devices already framed, which if he could make to be fewer, he 
would with all his might endeavour to do ; and that therefore seeing the malice 
and rancor rooted in the heart of mankind will not suffer them to diminish, by 
any new conceit of his the number of them should never be increased. Divinely 
spoken, truly." — Sir Thomas Urquhart's Works.] 








(HE news of the queen's death were brought 
the third day after by ^ir Robert Gary, a 
son of the Lord Hunsdon ; after whom Sir 
Charles Percy, brother to the earl of Nor- 
thumberland, and Thomas Somerset, son to 

the earl of Worcester, were directed from the council of 

England with the letter following. 

" Right high, right excellent and mighty Prince, and our 
dread sovereign Lord — As we cannot but confess unto your 
majesty, that the grief we have conceived by the loss of our 
late sovereign lady, whose soul in your palace of Richmond 
passed from her earthly body to the joys of heaven, betwixt 
two and three of the clock this morning, was nothing less 
than our loyalty and love to her whilst she lived, being a 
princess adorned with virtues meet for government, prosper- 
ous in the success of her affairs, and under whose obedience 
we have lived in greater tranquillity these many years than 
commonly happeneth to princes ; so we must acknowledge 
that our sorrow is extinguished by the impression we have 
of those heroical virtues of wisdom, piety, and magnanimity, 

134 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1603. 

which Tvc know to bo in your majesty's person, to whose 
right the lineal and lawful succession of all our late sover- 
eign's dominions doth justly and only appertain ; wherein we 
presume to profess this much, as well for the honour which 
will thereby remain to our posterity, as for your majesty's 
security of a peaceable possession of your kingdoms, that we 
have never found, either of those of the nobility, or of any 
other of the estates of this realm, any divided humour about 
the receiving and acknowledging your majesty to be the only 
head that must give life to the present maimed body of this 
great kingdom, which is so happy, as with an universal con- 
sent to have received one sole, uniform, and constant impres- 
sion of right of blood, as next of kin to our sovereign deceased, 
and consequently by the laws of this realm true and next heir 
to her kingdoms and dominions : whereof we have made out- 
ward demonstration by public proclamation this very day 
afore noon, first in the city of Westminster, at your majesty's 
palace-gate of Whitehall, and next at the cross of Cheapside, 
within your majesty's city of London, with an infinite 
applause of your people, and with such solemnity as the 
shortness of time would permit. Of all which we have 
thought it our duty immediately to advertise your majesty 
by these two gentlemen. Sir Charles Percy, brother to the 
earl of Northumberland, and Thomas Somerset, Esq., son to 
the earl of Worcester, of whom we have made choice to be 
the bearers of our letters ; humbly beseeching your highness 
to accept the same as the first-fruits and offering of our 
tender and loyal affections towards you our gracious sover- 
eign, and to rest assured that the same shall be ever here- 
after seconded with all fnith, obedience, and humble service, 
which shall be in our power to perform, for maintaining that 
which we have begun, with the sacrifice of our lives, lands, 
and goods, which we with all our other means do here 
humbly present at your majesty's feet; craving of your 
highness, that seeing hereby you may perceive in what estate 
we remain, as a body without a head, or rather without that 
spirit here amongst us, which from the head might give 
vigour to every member to exercise the duty to it belonging, 
thereby to keep the whole body from confusion, you will be 
pleased to enter into consideration, how soon and in what 
manner it shall seem best to your majesty's excellent wisdom, 

A. D. 1603.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 135 

to inspire a new life into this languishing body, the circum- 
stances whereof are wholly to be left to your majesty, hold- 
ing it enough for us humbly to acknowledge ourselves your 
true subjects, ready to obey all your commandments ; assur- 
ing you withal, that as we have hereby, as many of us as 
have underwritten this letter, declared our recognition and 
humble submission to your majesty's sovereign power and 
right, so we do know by all good proofs, that the mind of 
the rest of the nobility, and all others who are absent, in 
their several qualities, places, and charges, whom the time 
permitted not without the prejudice of your affairs to as- 
semble so soon as we were desirous this should be performed, 
are wholly and resolutely concurring with us in all zeal and 
duty for all things that shall bo imposed upon them by your 
royal will and pleasure. 

" Farther we have thought meet and necessary to advertise 
your highness, that Sir Robert Gary this morning departed 
from hence towards your majesty, not only without the con- 
sent of any of us who Avcrc present at Richmond at the time 
of our late sovereign's decease, but also contrary to such 
commandment as we had power to lay upon him, and to all 
decency, good manners, and respect, which he owed to so 
many persons of our degree, whereby it may be that your 
highness hearing by a bare report only of the death of the 
late queen, and not of our care and dihgence in establishing 
your majesty's right here, in such manner as is above speci- 
fied, may conceive doubts of other nature than (God be 
thanked) there is cause you should ; which we would have 
clearly prevented, if he had borne so much respect to us as to 
have stayed for a common relation of our proceedings, and 
not thought it better to anticipate the same ; for we would 
have been loath that any person of quality should have gone 
from hence, who should not with the report of her death 
have been able to declare the first effects of our assured 

" And lastly, it may please your majesty to receive this 
advertisement, that of late there was made ready, by the 
commandment of the queen our mistress, a good fleet of eight 
or ten of her ships well manned and furnished under the 
charge of Sir Richard Lawson, knight, to have been em- 
ployed upon the coast of Spain ; which employment by her 

13G THE HISTOHY OF THK [a. D. 1603. 

decease is ceased for want of commission to exercise the 
same, and now is kept together in the narrow seas to pre- 
vent any sudden attempt from the Low Countries. And that 
now tliere is nothing either of hmd or sea that is not yours, 
it may please your majesty to signify your pleasure concern- 
ing that fleet, and whether you will have it or any part 
thereof resort to your coast of Scotland, where it may serve 
you, either for the safe convoy of your person to this realm, 
if there shall be cause to use it in this manner, or to trans- 
port any of yours, whilst you come by land, or any other 
service. In which point we humbly beseech you to make 
known under whoso charge it shall be your pleasure the 
whole fleet or any part thereof shall come unto you. And 
this being all that for the present doth occur to be advertised 
unto your majesty by us whose minds are occupied about the 
conservation of this your realm in peace, as far forth as, by 
any power for your majesty's service only assumed, the 
interruption thereof may be prevented, saving that we have 
sent a copy of the proclamation made here to your majesty's 
deputy of Ireland, to be published in that kingdom, we will, 
and with our humble prayers to Almighty God, that we 
may be so happy as speedily to enjoy the comfortable pre- 
sence of your highness's royal person amongst us, the only 
object of that glory and those felicities which in the earth 
we have proponed to ourselves. Written in your majesty's 
city of London, the twenty-fourth of March 1G03, at ten 
hours of the clock at night." 

This letter was subscribed by 

Robert Leigh, Mayor. Pembroke. R. Riche. 

John Canterbury. Clanrickard. Lumley. 

Thomas Egerton. G. Hunsdon. Chandois. 

Thomas Buckhurst. Tho. Howard. W. Compton. 

Nottingham. Richard London. W. KnoUes. 

Northumberland. Robert Hartford. Edward Wootton. 

Gilbert Shrewsbury. John NorAvich. John Stanhop. 

William Darby. Morlcy. Raleigh. 

Edward Worcester. Henry Cobham. John Fortescuc. 

Geo. Cumberland. Thomas Laware. John Popham. 

R. Sussex. Gray. 

Henry Lincoln. Edward Cromwell. 

A. D. 1603.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 137 

The king having imparted this letter to the council, it was 
thought meet that the coutents thereof should be published, 
for begetting a greater kindness betwixt the people of the 
two kingdoms ; whereupon a proclamation was made, show- 
ing, " That the queen before her death, continuing in that 
loving affection Avhicli she professed to his majesty all the 
course of her life, had declared him her only true heir and 
successor in the imperial crowns of England, France, and 
Ireland, and that the lords spiritual and temporal, assisted 
by the Lord Mayor of London, and others of the gentry of 
good quality, had upon the twenty-fourth of March last pro- 
claimed him their only liege lord and undoubted sovereign ; 
which being the most clear demonstration that a people could 
give of their affection, and a sure pledge of their future 
obedience, ought to move all true-hearted subjects to account 
of them no otherwise than as their brethren and friends, and 
to forget and bury all quarrels and grounds of former dis- 
sensions. That therefore none should pretend ignorance, 
nor carry themselves in any unkind sort towards the inhabi- 
tants of England, his majesty, with the advice of the lords 
of council, had ordained proclamation to be made of the 
premises, assuring them that should so apply tliemselves, of 
his gracious favour when occasion presented, and certifying 
such as did in the contrary, that they should incur his wrath 
and extreme displeasure." 

This notwithstanding, the word no sooner came of the 
queen's death, than the loose and broken men in the borders 
assembling in companies made incui'sions upon England, 
doing what in them lay to divide the two kingdoms ; which 
the year following was severely punished, the principals that 
were tried to have been partners in that business being all 
executed to the death. 

The king in the meantime giving order for his journey, 
did appoint the queen to follow him some twenty days after ; 
and for his children, ordained the prince to remain at Stir- 
ling, the duke of Albany his brother to abide with the Lord 
Fyvie, president of the Session, and the Princess Elizabeth 
their sister with Alexander earl of Linhtligow. To the 
lords of council an ample commission was given for the 
administration of all affairs ; receiving resignations ; hearing 
the accounts of the exchequer ; continuing days of law ; 

138 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1603. 

adjoiuing assessors to the justice ; granting of licences to 
depart forth of the realm ; altering the place of their resi- 
dence as they should find it convenient ; repressing the 
troubles of the borders ; and for creating lieutenants, one or 
moi'e, upon occasions. 

The persons he chose to attend him in the journey were, 
the duke of Lennox, the carls of Mar, INIurray, and Argyle, 
the Lord Home, Sir George Home, treasurer, ]\lr James 
Elphingston, sccretai^y. Sir David Murray, Comptroller, 
Sir Robert Ker of Cesford, M'ith the ordinary gentlemen of 
the chamber ; and of the clergy, David bishop of Ross, 
Peter bishop of Dunkeld, Mr Patrick Galloway, INIr Andrew 
Lamb, Mv John Spottiswoodo, Mr Gawin Hamilton, and 
Mr Alexander Forbes, ministers. 

Things thus ordered, the king went the next morning to 
St Giles to hear sermon ; Mr John Hall (whose course it 
was) preaching, took occasion to remember the great mercies 
of God towards his majesty, reckoning the peaceable succes- 
sion to the crown of England none of the least. This, he 
said, was God's own proper work, for who could else have 
directed the hearts of so numerous a people with such an 
unanime consent to follow the way of right ? Thereupon he 
did exhort his majesty to thankfulness ; to the maintenance 
of God's truth ; and that he would send home some of those 
commendable orders he would find whither ho was going. 

The king, accepting his exhortation in good part, did upon 
the end of the sermon make a speech to the people, which at 
the time were frequently convened, and promising to have 
care of them and their good, gave them a most loving and 
kind farewell. This was followed with such a mourning and 
lamentation of all sorts, as cannot be avcU expressed. For 
albeit they joyed not a little at first to hear of that accession 
of honour to their king ; yet considering they should be 
deprived of his presence, and have no more a resident king 
among them, they were grieved out of all measure. This 
affection of the people moved also the king greatly ; there- 
fore when the magistrates, ministers, and others of the better 
sort came to receive his commandments, he spake graciously 
unto them ; willing them not to be troubled with his depart- 
ing, for that they should find the fruits of his government as 
well afar off, as when he was near at hand ; and as his power 

A. D. 1603.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 139 

was now increased and made greater, so his love towards 
them should not bo a whit diminished. 

In this sort did he part, and beginning his journey on 
Wednesday the fourth of April, came the second day to 
Berwick; there he was welcomed with a most eloquent 
sermon by Toby Matthew, bishop of Durham (for he went 
first to the church ;) which tinished, he was conveyed to the 
palace by the governor and garrison, the munition playing 
from the walls, and the citizens with shouts and acclamations 
testifying their gladness. The ninth of that month he went 
to Newcastle, where he abode some few days ; and because 
multitudes of people from all quarters were daily coming to 
see the king, and offer their service, order was taken that no 
strangers should have access granted, till the chamberlain or 
master of the guard was acquainted with their business. At 
York he was met by the councillors, and from thence, by 
easy journeys, travelled to London. How his majesty was 
there received, and what other things happened in the time, 
I remit to the English history ; my purpose being only to 
relate the things which passed in Scotland, or that had some 
reference to matters of that church and kingdom. 

Being at Burleigh-house near unto Stamford, the king was 
advertised of the death of James Beaton, archbishop of Glas- 
gow, who deceased at Paris in the same month. This man 
was descended of the house of Balfour in Fife, and conse- 
crated bishop at Rome in the year 1552 ; at the time of the 
Reformation he forsook the country, out of the hatred he bare 
to those that had hand in that work, and carried with him 
all the writs and evidents of the see of Glasgow, with the 
vessels and ornaments of the cathedral church, thino-s of 
exceeding great worth ; for, besides those of ordinary use, 
there belonged to that church the image of our Saviour in 
beaten gold, and the portraits of the twelve apostles in silver. 
The queen returning from France did estabhsh him ambas- 
sador in those parts for her affairs : Under the government 
of the regents he was forfeited, and deprived of his living, 
which, as we showed before, was conferred upon Mr James 
Boyd of Trochrig, and after him went through divers hands, 
till the king at his majority did restore him to his dignity, 
honour, and living, employing him likewise for his ambas- 
sador in France. A man honourably disposed, faithful to 

140 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1603. 

the queen while she lived, and to the king her son, a lovei* 
of his country, and liberal according to his means to all his 
countrymen. In his last will he bequeathed all his means to 
pious uses, leaving, as was said, ten thousand crowns for the 
education of poor scholars, being Scotchmen born. The 
evidents, vessels, and ornaments of the see of Glasgow he 
consigned in the hands of the Carthusians of Paris, appoint- 
ing the same to be re-delivered how soon Glasgow should 
become catholic ; and this year, being the eighty-sixth of his 
age, departed peaceably this life. 

The king having destinated Mr John Spottiswoode for his 
successor, sent him back to attend the queen in her journey, 
and serve her for elecmosynar. Soon after his coming, her 
majesty went to Stirhng, of mind to bring away the prince 
her son, and carry him along with herself to England ; but 
being denied by the friends of the house of Mar, she became 
so incensed as falling into a fever she made a pitiful abortion. 

Advertisement of this being sent unto the king, he caused 
the earl of Mar to return ; and after him sending the duke 
of Lennox with a warrant to receive the prince, and dehver 
him to the queen, he was brought unto her at Halyrudhouse, 
about the end of May. Yet she, not satisfied herewith, com- 
plained bitterly of the dishonour she had received, and by a 
letter written to the king, full of passion and anger, which 
she gave her eleemosynar to carry, required a public repara- 
tion, by the punishment of the earl of Mar and his servants. 
The king, who knew the earl himself to be blameless, and 
desired not to be troubled with such business, especially at 
that time, returned this answer, " That she should do wisely 
to forget the grudges she carried to the earl of Mar, and 
thank God of the peaceable possession they had obtained of 
these kingdoms, which next unto God his goodness ho 
ascribed to the last negotiation of the earl of Mar in Eng- 
land," This reported to the queen (for the messenger was 
commanded to speak so much), she in a great choler replied, 
" That she would rather have wished never to see England, 
than to be in any sort beholding to him for the same," Yet 
as she was a most mild princess, and very careful to please 
the king in every thing, at her coming to Windsor, which 
was about the end of June, she was reconciled to the earl of 
Mar, and he, by act of council, declared to have done 

A. D. 1603.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 141 

nothing in that accident at Stirhng that might touch her in 

At the same time was the Princess Ehzabeth, who was 
brought alongst with the queen, taken from the earl of 
Linhthgow, and given to the custody of the Lady Harring- 
ton ; the earl his service in her education being by act of 
council approved. 

All this summer the sickness was reigning at London, 
which made the coronation to be deferred unto July, on the 
twenty-seventh day whereof the king and queen were sol- 
emnly inaugurated in the church of Westminster, John 
Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, performing the cere- 
monies. There had been some few days before a conspiracy 
detected against the king, plotted by two priests, the one 
called William Watson, the other William Grey, and George 
Brook, esquire. 

There joined with them upon some discontents the Lord 
Cobham, the Lord Gray, Sir Griffin Marcham, and Sir 
Walter Raleigh. This last had served the late queen a long 
time, as captain of her guard ; and being put from the place, 
and the same bestowed upon Sir Thomas Erskine, Lord 
Fenton in Scotland, he grudged exceedingly. The treason 
being discovered, (which came by this occasion ; Raleigh 
parting with his sister at London had commended himself to 
her prayers, saying, " That he was going whence he thought 
not to return ; " which she did interpret of some combat he 
had undertaken, and breaking the same to her neighbours, 
the words were carried to court, where they received an- 
other construction), they were all apprehended, and com- 
mitted to several prisons. Being brought to their trial in 
Winchester about the beginning of December, they were 
found guilty, and condemned to die. George Brook and the 
two priests were executed as traitors ; the rest, whilst they 
expected nothing but death, (for they were brought all, one 
after another, to the place of execution, and their heads laid 
under the axe to be cut off,) were spared, and the execution 
of the sentence pronounced against them suspended. 

The people that were assembled in great numbers hearing 
the mandate read, (which was pubHshed by the Sheriff, and 
was to this effect, " That his majesty, unwilling to have the 
beginning of his reign stained with the blood of noblemen. 

142 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1604. 

though convicted of a most heinous crime, was pleased to 
extend his clemency towards them ; and having spared the 
Lords Cobham and Gray, because in the dispensing of mercy 
regard must be taken likewise of inferiors, had bestowed the 
same favour on the other two,") did greatly extol his majesty's 
clemency, promising to themselves much happiness under his 
government, that could so temper his justice with mercy. 
Cobham and Gray, lifting up their hands to heaven, " did 
thank God, who had thus inclined his majesty's heart, pro- 
fessing they were unworthy of life, and that they should be 
ashamed ever to show their faces amongst men, having 
wronged so good and gracious a king." 

The next year began with a conference of the clergy at 
Hampton Court. Divers petitions had been exhibited to his 
majesty for reformation of abuses in the Church ; whereupon 
he took purpose to call certain of the bishops, deans, and 
doctors together, and with them some of the most grave and 
modest amongst the complainers. The bishops were, the 
archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London, Durham, 
Winchester, Worcester, St Davids, Chichester, Carlisle, and 
Peterborough ; the deans of the Chapel, Christ-church, Wor- 
cester, Westminster, Paul's, Chester, Windsor, Dr Field, and 
Dr King. For the petitioners, Dr Reynolds, Dr Spark, Mr 
Knewstubb, and Mr Chatterton were present. 

These being called into the privy-chamber, the king spake 
unto them to this effect : " That following the example of all 
Christian princes, who, in the commencement of their reign, 
do usually begin with the establishment of the Church, he 
had now at his entrance to the Crown taken course to assemble 
them, for settling an uniform order in the same, for planting 
unity, removing dissensions, and reforming abuses, which (he 
said) were naturally incident to all politic bodies. And yet 
that he should not be mistaken, and his purpose in assembhng 
them misconstrued, he declared that his meaning was not to 
make any innovation of the government established, which 
he knew was approved of God, but to hear and examine the 
complaints that were made, and remove the occasions there- 
of; whereof he willed the petitioners to begin, and show 
what the things were that grieved them." 

Doctor Reynolds with the other three, falling upon their 
knees, after a short gratulatory preamble, reduced the matters 

A. D. 1604.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 143 

questioned to two heads ; some, lie said, concerned the doc- 
trine of the Church, and others the government. 

Touching the doctrine, that in the book of articles of reli- 
gion some things were obscure, and some things defective, 
which they wished to be supplied and explained. Being de- 
sired to name the particulars, he condescended upon some 
articles ; whereof after they had conferred a while, and he 
professed to have received satisfaction, the king said, " that if 
these were the greatest matters that grieved them, such im- 
portunity needed not as was used to him, and that a more 
private course had been better." Then falling to speak of 
the government of the Church, the want and scarcity of suf- 
ficient ministers in every parish was much complained of, with 
the subscription urged to the communion-book ; the censures 
inflicted by lay chancellors ; and other more points, which 
are to be seen in the conference imprinted. After some 
three hours debating, they were commanded to meet again 
in the same place the eighteenth of January, at which time 
they should know his majesty's pleasure in these matters. 

At the day the bishops, deans, and doctors of the arches 
being first called, the archbishop presented certain notes of 
explanation of the liturgy, which the king had commended 
to the bishop's care ; and thereafter his majesty questioning 
them touching the exercise of the high commission, the oath 
ex officio, the censure of excommunication, and the matter of 
subscription ; when as they had answered in all these points 
to his majesty's content. Doctor Reynolds and the others 
were desired to come into the chamber, and the foresaid 
explanations read unto them, wherewith they professed to 
be satisfied. The king upon this, expressing a great content- 
ment with that which had passed among them, did seriously 
exhort them to the preservation of unity, wiUing the bishops 
to use their inferiors with all lenity, and take the fairest 
ways for reclaiming those that were otherwise minded ; warn- 
ing these others also to beware of obstinacy in their opinions, 
and disobedience to the orders of the Church. " Obedience," 
said he, " and humility are the marks of good and honest men; 
such I believe you to be, but it feareth me that many of your 
sort are humorous, and too busy in the perverting of others. 
The exceptions taken against the communion- book, as I per- 
ceive, are matters of mere weakness, and they who are dis- 

144 THE HISTORY OV THE [a. D. 1604, 

creet will be gained with time, by gentle pei'suasions ; or if 
they be undiscreet, better it is to remove them than to have 
the Church troubled with their contentions. For the bishops 
I will answer, that it is not their purpose presently and out 
of hand to enforce obedience, but by fatherly admonitions 
and conferences to induce such as are disaffected. But if 
any be of an opposite and turbuleut spirit, I will have them 
enforced to a conformity. Neither tell me, that the wearing 
of a surplice or using the cross in baptism will diminish the 
credit of ministers tlmt have formerly disallowed the same ; 
for this is just the Scottish argument, when any thing was 
concluded that sorted not with their humour, the only reason 
why they would not obey was, that it stood not with their 
credit to yield, having been so long of a contrary opinion. 
I will none of that ; but let a time be limited by the bishops 
of every diocese to such, and they that will not yield, who- 
soever they are, let them be removed ; for we must not pre- 
fer the credit of a few private men to the general peace of 
the Church." 

Throughout all this conference in every point that was 
moved, or came to be talked of, the king did show such 
knowledge and readiness, as bred not a small admiration in 
the hearers. Chancellor Egerton, wondering to see him so 
expedite and perfect in all sort of divinity, said, " That he 
had often heard and read that Eex est mixta persona cum sacer- 
dote ; but that he saw never the truth of it until that day." 
Let me add that which I was afterwards told by Richard 
Bancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, (for VVhitgift died the 
next month after the conference, one of the great glories of 
the English Church,) that when the rolls were brought in 
of those that stood out and were deposed, which was some 
years after, they were found to be forty-nine in all England, 
whenas the ministers of that kingdom are reckoned nine 
thousand and above. Such a noise will a few disturbers 
cause in any society where they are tolerated ! 

In the March thereafter a parliament was kept in Eng- 
land, where the king, after he had given thanks to the state 
for the general applause tliey showed in receiving him to the 
place which God by birthright and lineal descent had pro- 
vided for him, did earnestly move the union of the two 
kingdoms, that as they were made one in the head, so among 

A. D. 1604.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 145 

themselves they might be inseparably conjoined, and all 
memory of by-past divisions extinguished : a motion that 
took Avell at first, and seemed to be generally desired of both 
nations, but did not succeed as was wished. The parliament 
always at his majesty's desire, and for a demonstration of 
their obedience, did nominate Thomas lord EUesmere, lord 
chancellor of England, Thomas earl of Dorset, treasurer, 
Charles earl of Nottingham, lord high admiral, Henry earl of 
Southampton, William earl of Pembroke, Henry earl of Nor- 
thampton, Richard bishop of London, Toby bishop of Durham, 
Anthony bishop of St Davids, Robert lord Cecil, principal 
secretary to his majesty, Edward lord Zouch, lord president 
of Wales, William lord Monteagle, Ralph lord Eure, Edmond 
lord Shefiield, lord president of the council of the north, lords 
of the higher house : and Thomas lord Clinton, Robert lord 
Buckhurst, Sir Francis Hastings, knight. Sir John Stanhope, 
knight, vice-chamberlain to the king's majesty. Sir George 
Carew, knight, vice-chamberlain to the queen's majesty, Sir 
John Herbert, knight, second secretary to his majesty, Sir 
Thomas Sti'ickland, knight. Sir Edward Stafford, knight, 
Sir Henry Neville of Berkshire, knight, Sir Richard Buckly, 
knight. Sir Henry Billingsly, knight, Sir Daniel Dunn, 
knight, dean of the arches, Sir Edward Hobby, knight. Sir 
John Savile, knight. Sir Robert Wroth, knight, Sir Thomas 
Challoner, knight, Sir Robert Mansell, knight. Sir Thomas 
Ridgway, knight. Sir Thomas Holcroft, knight. Sir Thomas 
Hasketh, knight, his majesty's attorney of the court of 
wards and liveries. Sir Francis Bacon, knight. Sir Lawrence 
Cawfield, knight, serjeant-at-law. Sir Henry Hubart, knight, 
serjeant-at-law. Sir John Bennet, knight, doctor of the laws, 
Sir Henry Witherington, Sir Ralph Gray, and Sir Thomas 
Lake, knights, Robert Askwith, Thomas James, and Henry 
Chapman, merchants, knights and burgesses of the house of 
commons : " Giving them, or any eight or more of the said 
lords of the higher house, and any twenty of the said knights 
and burgesses of the said house of commons, full power, liberty, 
and commission to assemble and meet, at any time or times be- 
fore the next session of parhament, for treating and consulting 
with certain selected commissioners, to be nominated and 
authorized by authority of the parliament of the realm of 
Scotland, of and concerning such an union of the said realms 

VOL. III. 10 

146 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1604. 

of England and Scotland, and of and concerning such other 
matters, causes and things whatsoever, as upon mature 
deliberation and consideration the greatest part of the said 
lords, knights, citizens, and burgesses, being assembled with 
the commissioners to be nominated by the parliament of Scot- 
land, shall in their wisdom think and deem convenient and 
necessary for the honour of his majesty, and the weal and 
common good of both the said realms, during his majesty's 
life, and under all his progeny and royal posterity for ever : 
which commissioners of both the said realms shall, according 
to the tenor of their said commissions, reduce their doings 
and proceedings into writings, or instruments tripartite, every 
part to be subscribed and sealed by them, to the end that 
one part thereof may in all humility be presented to his most 
excellent majesty ; the second part to be offered to the con- 
sideration of the next session of parliament for the realm of 
England, and the third to be offered to the consideration of 
the next parliament for the realm of Scotland ; that there- 
upon such farther proceeding, may be had, as by both the 
said parliaments shall be thought tit and necessary for the 
weal and common good of both the said realms," 

A parliament in Scotland for the same purpose was indicted 
to the tenth of April, and thereafter prorogated to the 
eleventh of July ; at which time the lords spiritual and tem- 
poral, assembled by virtue of his majesty's commission, did 
ordain the persons following : they are to say, John earl of 
Montrose, chancellor of Scotland, Francis earl of Erroll, high 
constable of Scotland, James earl of Glencarne, Alexander 
earl of Linlithgow, John archbishop of Glasgow, David 
bishop of Ross, George bishop of Caithness, Walter prior of 
Blantyre, Patrick lord Glammis, Alexander lord Elphing- 
ston, Alexander lord Fy vie, president of the session of Scot- 
land, Robert lord Roxburgh, James lord Abercorn, James 
lord Balmerino, principal secretary of Scotland, David 
lord of Scone, Sir James Scrimgeour of Dudop, knight. Sir 
John Cockburn of Ormiston, knight. Sir John Home of 
Cowdenknows, knight. Sir David Carnegie of Kinnaird, 
knight, Sir Robert Melvill, elder of Murdocarnie, knight, 
Sir Thomas Hamilton of Binnie, knight, Sir John Lermonth 
of Balcony, knight, Sir Alexander Straiten of Lauriston, 
knight, Sir John Skeen of Curryhill, knight, Mr John Sharp 

A. D. 1604.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 147 

of Houston, law jer, Mr Thomas Craig, lawyer, Henry Nisbet, 
George Bruce, Alexander Rutherford, and Mr Alexander 
Wedderburn, merchants, or any twenty of them, " to assem- 
ble and convene themselves, after the ending of the present 
session of parliament, and before the next session thereof, at 
such time and in such place as it should please his majesty to 
appoint, with certain selected commissioners, nominated and 
authorized by the parliament of England, according to the 
tenor of their commissions in that behalf, to confer, treat, and 
consult upon a perfect union of the realms of Scotland and 
England, and concerning such other matters, things and 
causes whatsoever, tending to his majesty's honour and con- 
tentment, and to the weal and tranquillity of both the king- 
doms, during his majesty's life and his royal posterity for 
ever, as upon mature deliberation the greater part of the 
said commissioners, assembled, as is aforesaid, with the com- 
missioners authorized by the parliament of England, shall in 
their wisdoms think most expedient and necessary, not dero- 
gating from any fundamental laws, ancient privileges, and 
rights, offices, dignities, and liberties of the kingdom." This 
last clause was added because of the narrative of the English 
act, wherein it was said, " that it was not his majesty's mind 
to alter or innovate the fundamental laws, privileges, and 
good customs of the kingdom of England ; by the abolishing 
or alteration whereof it was impossible but that a present 
confusion should fall upon the whole state and frame of that 
kingdom." In all other things the statute in substance was 
the same with the English. 

Soon after this, the king resolving to have Westminster, 
at London, the place of the meeting, letters were directed to 
the noblemen and others nominated for Scotland, willing them 
to address themselves to the journey, and to be ready to 
meet with the other commissioners the twentieth of October ; 
and lest any disorder should fall out in the absence of the 
chancellor and others of the council, the Lord Newbottle 
was appointed to attend and preside in council unto their 

The day and place of meeting was precisely observed by 
the commissioners of both kingdoms, who after many days 
conferences agreed unto certain articles to be presented to 
his majesty and to the courts of parliament of both kingdoms, 

148 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1604. 

there to receive such strength and approbation as in their 
wisdoms should seem expedient. The articles were as fol- 
loweth : — 

" It is agreed by the commissioners of England and Scot- 
land, to be mutually proponed to the parliament of both 
realms at the next sessions, that all hostile laws made and 
conceived expressly, either by England against Scotland, or 
Scotland against England, shall in the next sessions be abro- 
gated and utterly extinguished. 

" It is also agreed, that all laws, customs, and treaties of 
the borders betwixt England and Scotland, shall be declared 
by a general act to be abrogated and abolished, and that the 
subjects on either part shall be governed by the laws and 
statutes of the kingdoms where they dwell, and the name of 
the borders extinguished. 

" And because by abolishing the border laws and customs 
it may be doubted that the executions shall cease upon those 
sentences that have heretofore been given by the opposite 
officers of those borders, upon wrongs committed before the 
death of the late queen of happy memory, it is thought fit 
that in case the commissioners or officers to be appointed by 
his majesty, before the time of the next sessions of parlia- 
ment, shall not procure sufficient redress of such filed bills 
and sentences, that then the said pai'liaments may be moved 
to take such order as to their wisdoms shall seem convenient, 
for satisfaction of that which hath been decerned by some 
officers ; as also how disorders and insolencies may be here- 
after repressed, and the country which was lately of the borders 
kept in peace and quietness in time to come. As hkewise to 
prescribe some order, how the pursuits of former wrongs, 
preceding the death of the late queen, and since the last 
treaties of the borders in the years 1596 and 1597, which 
have never as yet been moved, may be continued and prose- 
cuted to a definitive sentence. 

" And forasmuch as the next degree to the abolition of all 
memory of hostility is the participation of mutual commodi- 
ties and commerce, it is agreed, first, concerning impor- 
tation of merchandise into either realm from foreign parts, 
that whereas certain commodities are wholly prohibited by 
the several laws of both realms to be brought into either of 
them by the natives themselves or by any other, the said 

A. D. 1604.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 149 

prohibitions shall now be made mutual to both, and neither 
an Enghshman bring into Scotland, nor a Scotchman into 
England, any of these prohibited wares and commodities : 
nevertheless if the said commodities be made in Scotland, it 
shall be lawful to bring- them out of Scotland to England ; 
and so reciprocally of the commodities made in England, and 
carried to Scotland. 

" Whereas a doubt hath been conceived against the equal 
communication of trade betwixt English and Scottish subjects 
in matter of importation, grounded upon some inequality of 
privileges which the Scots are supposed to have in foreign 
parts, and namely in France, above the English, whereby 
the English might be prejudged ; and that, after a very de- 
liberate consideration had of the said supposed inequalities, 
both private and public examination of divers merchants of 
either side, touching all liberties, immunities, privileges, im- 
posts, and payments on the part of the English, and on the 
part of the Scottish, either at Bordeaux for their trade of 
wines, or in Normandy, or any other part of France for other 
commodities, it appeared that in the trade of Bordeaux there 
was and is so little difference, in any advantage of privileges 
or immunities, or in the imposts and payments, all being 
reckoned and well weighed on either side, as it could not 
justly hinder the communication of trade; in the trade of 
Normandy likewise, or any other parts of France, the advan- 
tage that the Scottish subjects by their privilege are acknow- 
ledged to have is such, as without much difficulty may be 
reconciled and reduced to an equality with the English, by 
such means as is after declared ; it is agreed that the Scotch- 
men shall be free for the transporting of wine from Bordeaux 
into England, paying the same customs and duties that the 
Englishmen do pay, and the Englishmen shall be likewise 
free for transporting of Avine or other commodities from Bor- 
deaux into Scotland, paying the same customs and duties 
that the Scotchmen do pay there. 

" And likewise for clearing and resolving the doubts 
touching the advantage that the Scots are supposed to have 
above the English, in buying and transporting the commodi- 
ties of Normandy, and of other parts of the kingdom of France, 
(excepting the buying of wine in Bordeaux, which is already 
determined,) it is agreed that there shall be sent some meet 

150 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1604. 

and discreet persons into France, two for either side, there 
to take perfect notice of any such advantage as either the 
EngHsh have above the Scots, or the Scots above the Eng- 
lish, in the buying and transporting of any commodities of 
Normandy or any parts of France, (excepting the trade for 
wine at Bordeaux,) and as the said persons shall find the ad- 
vantage to be, so for making the trade equal, the customs 
shall be advanced to the king in England and Scotland. 
And for the part of those that have the advantage, and 
according to the proportion of the said advantage, the ad- 
vancement of the customs to continue no longer than the 
privilege having such advantage shall continue ; and that 
generally for all other trade from any parts, the English 
and Scottish subjects, each in other's country, shall have 
liberty of importation as freely as any of the native subjects 
themselves having special privilege. 

" Next concerning exportation, it is agreed that all such 
goods as are prohibited and forbidden to Englishmen them- 
selves to be transported forth of England to any foreign part, 
the same shall be unlawful for any Scotchmen or any other 
to transport to any foreign nation beyond sea, under the 
same penalties and forfeitures that the English are subject 
unto ; and reciprocally, that forth of Scotland no English- 
men shall transport to any foreign part the goods or com- 
modities that are prohibited in Scotland to Scotchmen 
themselves. Nevertheless such goods, and commodities, and 
merchandises as are licensed to Englishmen to transport out 
of England to any foreign part, the same may be likewise 
transported by Scotchmen thither, they certifying their 
going into foreign parts, and taking a cocquet accordingly 
and paying the ordinary custom that Englishmen do pay 
themselves at the exporting of such wares : the like liberty 
to be for Eno-lishmen in Scotland. 

" As for the native commodities which either of the coun- 
tries do yield, and may serve for the use and benefit of the 
other, it is agreed that mutually there may be transported 
forth of England to Scotland, and forth of Scotland to Eng- 
land, all such wares as are either of the growth or handi- 
work of either of the said realms, without payment of any 
impost, custom, or exaction, and as freely in all respects as 
any wares may be transported either in England from port 

A. D. 1604.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 151 

to port, or in Scotland from port to port ; excepting such 
particular sorts of goods and merchandises as are hereafter 
mentioned, being restrained for the proper and inward use of 
each country. And for that purpose it is declared, that both 
in this communication of benefit and participation of the 
native commodities of the one country -with the other, there 
shall be specially reserved and excepted the sorts hereafter 
specified : That is to say, wool, sheep, sheepfell, cattle, 
leather, hides, and linen-yarn, which are specially restrained 
within each country, not to be transported from the one to 
the other ; excepting also and reserving to the Scotchmen 
their trade of fishing within their lochs, firths, and bays 
within land, and in the seas within fourteen miles of the coasts 
of the realm of Scotland, where neither Englishmen nor any 
strangers have used to fish ; and so reciprocally in the point 
of fishing on the behalf of England. All which exceptions 
and restrictions are not to be understood or meaned in any 
sort for a mark or note of separation or disunion, but only as 
matters of poUcy and conveniency for the several estate of 
each country. 

" Furthermore, it is agreed that all foreign wares to be 
transported forth of Scotland to England, or out of England 
to Scotland, by any of the king's subjects of either kingdom, 
having at their first entry once paid custom in either of the 
kingdoms, shall not pay outward custom therein afterwards, 
save only inward custom at that port whereunto they shall 
be transported : but the owner of the goods, or the factor or 
master of the ship, shall give bond not to transport the same 
into any foreign part. 

" It is also agreed that Scotchmen shall not be debarred 
from being associates unto any English company of merchants, 
as merchant-venturers or others, upon such conditions as any 
native Englishman may be admitted ; and so reciprocally 
for Englishmen in Scotland. 

•' It is nevertheless agreed by mutual consent, and so to 
be understood, that the mutual liberty aforesaid of exporta- 
tion and trade in each part from the one to the other, shall 
serve for the inward use only of either realm ; and order 
taken for restraining and prohibiting the transportation of the 
said commodities into foreign parts, and for due punishment 
of those that shall transgress in that behalf. 

152 THE HISTORY OF THE [a, D. 1604. 

" And for the better assurance and caution herein, it is 
agreed that every merchant so offending shall forfeit his 
whole goods; the ships wherein the said goods shall be 
transported, confiscated ; the customers, searchers, and other 
officers of the custom whatsoever, in case of consent or 
knowledge on their part, to lose their offices and goods, and 
their bodies to be imprisoned at his majesty's pleasure. Of 
which escheats and forfeitures two parts shall appertain to his 
majesty, if the customs be unfarmed, and the third to the 
informer : and if the customs be farmed, one third of the 
forfeiture sliall belong to his majesty, a third to the farmers 
of the customs, and the other third to the informer. The 
trial of the offence to be summary in either country in the 
exchequer chamber by writ, sufficient witnesses, or oath of 
party, or before the justice by jury or assize; and his 
majesty's officers in either country to convene with the com- 
plainers that have interest in the pursuit. 

" As also for the more surety that there shall be no trans- 
portation of such goods, it is agreed that at the shipping of 
all such native commodities there be taken by the customer 
of the port where the goods or wares are embarked, a bond 
or obligation subscribed by the owner of the said goods, and 
master of the ship ; by the owner, if he be present, and in 
case of his absence, by the master of the ship, and factor or 
party that ladeth the same ; which bond shall contain a sura 
of money answerable to the value of the goods, with condition 
of relieving the party obliged, and discharging him of the 
said bond in case return be made of a due certificate to the 
customer where the goods were laden, from any part within 
England or Scotland: the certificate to be subscribed and 
sealed by the officers of the customs of the port where the 
said goods shall arrive, and be unladened ; or if there be no 
such officers there, by the chief magistrate and town-clerk of 
that harbour-town, under their hand and seal. 

" It is farther agreed touching the indifferent shipping of 
commodities either in English or Scotch bottoms, that Eng- 
lishmen and Scotchmen freight and laden their goods each in 
other's ships and bottoms indifferently, paying only English 
and Scotch custom, notwithstanding any contrary laws or 
prohibitions. And that a proposition be made to the parlia- 
ment of England for establishing some good orders for 

A, D. 1604.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 153 

upholding and maintaining the great fishing of England ; as 
likewise that a proposition be made to the parliament of 
Scotland for the making of their shipping more proportion- 
able in burthen to the shipping of England, the better to 
serve for equality of trade, and a common defence for the 
whole isle. 

" And because it is requisite that the mutual communica- 
tion aforesaid be not only extended to matter of commerce, 
but to all other benefits and privileges of natural born sub- 
jects, it is agreed that an act be proponed to be passed in 
manner following : That all the subjects of both realms born 
since the decease of the late queen, and that shall be born 
hereafter under the obedience of his majesty and of his royal 
progeny, are by the common laws of both realms, and shall 
be for ever enabled to obtain, succeed, inherit, and possess all 
goods, lands and chattels, honours, dignities, offices, liberties, 
privileges and benefices, ecclesiastical or civil, in parliament 
and all other places of the said kingdoms, and every one of 
the same, in all respects and without any exception whatso- 
ever, as fully and amply as the subjects of either realm 
respectively might have done, or may do in any sort within 
the kingdom where they are born. 

" Farther, whereas his majesty out of his great judgment 
and providence hath not only professed in public and private 
speech to his nobility and council of both, but hath also 
vouchsafed to be contented that, for a more full satisfaction 
and comfort of all his loving subjects, it may be comprised in 
the said act, that his majesty meaneth not to confer any 
office of the crown, any office of judicatory, place, voice, or 
office in parliament of either kingdom upon the subjects of 
the other, born before the decease of the late queen, until 
time and conversation have increased and accomplished an 
union of the said kingdoms, as well in the hearts of all the 
people, and in the conformity of laws and policies in these 
kingdoms, as in the knowledge and sufficiency of particular 
men, who being untimely employed in such authorities could 
no way be able, much less acceptable, to discharge such 
duties belonging to them ; it is therefore resolved by us the 
commissioners aforesaid, not only in regard of our desires 
and endeavours to farther the speedy conclusion of this 
happy work intended, but also as a testimony of our love 

154 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1604. 

and thankfulness to his majesty for his gracious promise, on 
whose sincerity and benignity we build our full assurance, 
even according to the inward sense and feeling of our own 
loyal and hearty affections, to obey and please him in all 
things worthy the subjects of so worthy a sovereign, that it 
shall be desired of both the parliaments, to be enacted by 
their authority, that all the subjects of both realms, born 
before the decease of the late queen, may be enabled and 
made capable to acquire, purchase, inherit, succeed, use, and 
dispose of all lands, goods, inhei'itances, offices, honours, 
dignities, liberties, privileges, immunities, benefices, and pre- 
ferments whatsoever, each subject in either kingdom, with 
the same freedom and as lawfully and peaceably as the very 
natural and born subjects of either realm, where the said 
rights, estates, or profits are established, notwithstanding 
whatsoever law, statute, or former constitutions heretofore 
in force to the contrary, other than to acquire, possess, suc- 
ceed or inherit any office of the crown, office of judicatory, 
or any voice, place, or office in parliament, all which shall 
remain free from being claimed, held, or enjoyed by the sub- 
jects of the one kingdom within the other, born before the 
decease of the late queen, notwithstanding any words, sense, 
or interpretation of the act, or any circumstance thereupon 
depending, until there be such a perfect and full accomplish- 
ment of the union as is desired mutually by both the realms. 
In all which points of reservation, either in recital of the 
words of his majesty's sacred promise, or in any clause or 
sentence before specified, from enabling them to any of the 
aforesaid places or dignities, it hath been and ever shall be 
so far from the thoughts of any of us, to presume to alter or 
impair his majesty's prerogative royal, (who contrariwise 
do all with comfort and confidence depend herein upon the 
gracious assurance which his majesty is pleased to give in 
the declaration of his so just and princely care and favour to 
all his people,) as for a farther laying open of our clear and 
dutiful intentions towards his majesty in this and in all 
things else which may concern his prerogative, we do also 
herein profess and declare, that we think it fit there be 
inserted in the act to be proponed and passed, in express 
terms, a sufficient reservation of his majesty's prerogative 
royal to denizate, enable, and prefer to such offices, honours, 

A. D. 1604.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 155 

dignities, and benefices whatsoever in both the said king- 
doms, and either of them, as are heretofore excepted in the 
preceding reservation of all English and Scotch subjects born 
before the decease of the late queen, as freely, sovereignly, 
and absolutely, as any of his majesty's most noble progenitors 
or predecessors, kings of England or Scotland, might have 
done at any time heretofore, and to all other intents and 
purposes in as ample manner as if no such act had ever been 
thought of or mentioned. 

" And forasmuch as the several jurisdictions and adminis- 
trations of either realm may be abused by malefactors, for 
their own impunity, if they shall commit any offence in the 
one realm, and afterwards remove their person and abode 
unto the other, it is agreed, that there may be some fit course 
advised of, by the wisdoms of the parliaments, for trial and 
proceeding against the persons of offenders remaining in the 
one realm, for and concerning the crimes and faults com- 
mitted in the other realm : And yet nevertheless that it may 
be lawful for the justice of the realm where the fact is com- 
mitted, to remand the offender remaining in the other realm 
to be answerable unto justice in the same realm where the 
fact was committed, and that, upon such remand made, the 
offender shall be accordingly delivered, and all farther pro- 
ceeding, if any be, in the other realm shall cease, so as it 
may be done without prejudice to his majesty or other lords 
in their escheats and forfeitures : With provision, neverthe- 
less, that this be not thought necessary to be made for all 
criminal offences, but in special cases only ; as namely, in the 
cases of wilful murder, falsifying of moneys, and forging of 
deeds, instruments, and writings, and such other like cases 
as upon farther advice in the said parliaments may be 
thought fit to be added." 

These were the articles then agreed upon, which written 
in their several scrolls of parchment were subscribed and 
sealed at Westminster the sixth of December by the commis- 
sioners of both parliaments, and one thereof presented the 
same evening to his majesty by the earl of Sahsbury, who, 
in name of the whole number there present, having showed 
what pains they had taken in that business, and how after 
many conferences they were grown to the resolution con- 
tained in that scroll, besought his majesty to accept graci- 

156 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1604. 

ously that which was done, and made offer of their best ser- 
vice in perfecting that work as they sliould be employed. 

The king professing a great content did specially thank 
them for reserving his prerogative in the preferment of men 
to offices and honours, in either kingdom ; " for inequality," 
said he, " of liberties and privileges is not tbe way to effect 
the union I desire ; capacity of offices ought to be equal to 
both people, but the moderation of that equality must be 
left to me ; neither need you to suspect that I will offer any 
manner of grievance to either of the countries, or do any 
thing that may kindle emulation among them, considering 
the desire I have to see you united in a fast and indissoluble 
amity." This said, he recommended the prosecution of that 
business in the several parhaments to their fidelity and trust ; 
wishing them to lay aside all jealousies, needless fears, and 
other worse passions, in a matter that so nearly concerned 
the good and benefit of both kingdoms. 

Some months before, the king had assumed, by virtue of 
his prerogative, the title of The Kixg of Great Britain, 
commanding the same to be used from thenceforth in all pro- 
clamations, missives, assurances, and treaties, and the names 
of England and Scotland to be discontinued, except in instru- 
ments of private parties, and where legality of process would 
not admit the same. This, some in both kingdoms took ill ; 
but his majesty, esteeming those names whereby they had 
been called no better then names of hostility, would needs 
have the ancient name of Britain received, and these of 
Scotland and England abolished. In like manner he did 
prohibit the name of the borders to be used, and ordained all 
places of strength in those parts (the houses of noblemen and 
barons excepted) to be demolished, their iron gates to be 
turned into plough-irons, and the inhabitants to betake them- 
selves to labour and the exercises of peace. For the same 
purpose he did break the garrisons of Berwick and Carlisle. 
And, in memory of the union so happily begun, made divers 
pieces of gold and silver to be coined, upon some whereof 
were engraven these inscriptions : Qace Deus conjunxit, nemo 
separet ; and, Tueatur iinita Deus : on others, Faciam eo8 
ingentem unam ; and, Henricus rosas, Regna Jacobus.^ 

' Jun.vit must bo here understood. 

A. D. 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 157 

During this conference the Lord Fyvie, president of the 
session, suppUed tlie place of the Scotch chancellor, and was 
shortly after preferred to the same office by the earl of 
Montrose his dismission, who instead thereof was made 
commissioner and deputy of Scotland during life. Secretary 
Elphingston was chosen president of the session, and all 
affairs trusted by his majesty to the chancellor and him ; 
with a special direction, that they should be assisting to the 
Church, and maintain those whom his majesty had preferred 
to the places of bishops in the same. How they answered 
the trust committed to them in this particular, we shall 

But leaving the matter of State, let us now see how things 
went at that time in the Church. The General Assembly, 
that should have kept at Aberdeen in July 1604, was con- 
tinued, because of the business of the union, to the same 
month in the year following. The king being informed of a 
great preparation that the ministers made for keeping that 
meeting, and that they intended to call in question all the 
conclusions taken in former Assemblies for the episcopal 
government, directed the commissioners of the Church to 
desert the diet, and make no indiction of another till he 
should be advertised. They accordingly did intimate his 
majesty's pleasure to all the presbyteries, and therewith, as 
they were desired, declared that his majesty did purpose to 
call a number of the bishops and disaffected ministers to 
court, and, for preventing such a disordered meeting, hear 
the differences that were among them debated in his own 

The greater part resolved to obey. Nine presbyteries 
only of fifty (so many there are reckoned in the whole king- 
dom) sent their commissioners to keep the meeting. The 
chief leaders of this stir were Mr John Forbes, minister of 
Alford, and Mr John Welch, minister at Ayr. These two 
having encouragement given them in private by some princi- 
pally in the state, used all means to bring the ministers to- 
gether, and were in expectation of a frequent Assembly ; 
yet, when the day appointed came, there convened thirteen 
only, and after some two or three days seven or eight more. 
The names of the ministers that convened were, Mr 
Charles Farum, minister at Fraserburgh, Mr Robert Young- 

158 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

son, minister at Clat, Mr James Mill, minister at Inverury, 
MrAIexanderStrachan, minister at Creich,Mr David Robert- 
son, minister at Fetterangus, Mr Robert Rid, minister at , 
Mr James Irvine, minister at Toucli, Mr John Munro, sub- 
dean of Ross, Mr William Forbes, minister at Kinbethock, 
Mr William Davidson, minister at Ruthven, Mr Thomas 
Abernethy, minister at Hawick, Mr James Greig, minister at 
Loudon, Mr Nathaniel IngHs, minister at Craigie, Mr James 
Ross and Mr Archibald Blackburn, ministers at Aberdeen, 
Mr John Ross, minister at Blair, Mr John Sharp, minister at 
Kilmany, Mr Andrew Duncan, minister at Crail, Mr Robert 
Dury, minister at Anstruther, with the said Mr John Forbes 
and Mr John Welch. Sir Alexander Straiton of Lauriston, 
commissioner for his majesty in Church affairs, upon a 
rumour he heard of a meeting to be kept, lest any imputa- 
tion of negligence should be laid on him, prevented the same, 
and by letters he had obtained from the secret council caused 
discharge the Assembly at the market-cross of Aberdeen. 
They nevertheless convened the next day, which being re- 
ported to the commissioner, he went to the place, and in his 
majesty's name commanded them to dissolve. They reply- 
ing, " that they were warranted to meet by the laws of the 
country, and that they could not betray the liberties of the 
Church by giving way to such unlawful prohibitions," he 
showed them " that the liberty granted for keeping Assem- 
blies could not annul his majesty's power, nor denude him of his 
prerogative in the continuing or discharging these meetings, 
when he should find cause ; for even the parliament, which 
is the highest court of the kingdom, said he, is disposed of as 
the king thinketh meet ; at his pleasure it is called, pro- 
rogued, dismissed, and deserted, as he judgeth most con- 
venient : and you will not, I trust, equal your Assemblies to 
the parliament of the three estates. Besides, you are not a 
number ; you want the ordinary clerk ; neither is the modera- 
tor of the last Assembly present, and can do nothing orderly." 
After a little debating they request him to remove, till they 
should deliberate among themselves what were best for them 
to do ; but he was no sooner gone than they did choose Mr 
John Forbes moderator, and that done, continued the Assem- 
bly to the last Tuesday of September, thinking by this means 
to preserve their liberty. 

A. D, 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 159 

Lauriston finding himself in this sort abused, caused exe- 
cute the letters, and denounced them rebels. And, lest they 
should make a new business in September, complained to the 
council of the disobedience given to their charge. Order 
was taken hereupon to summon them before the council, and 
a beginning made with the two leaders of the rest, Mr 
Forbes and Mr Welch being charged to a certain day of the 
same month. They appeared, and standing to the defence 
of that which they had done, were committed to the castle of 
Blackness ; direction was likewise given for citing the rest 
to the third of October. 

At the day all compeared, and being charged for disobey- 
ing his majesty's letter, thirteen of the number acknowledg- 
ing their offence, and protesting that what they did was not 
out of disobedience, entreated the lords to intercede with his 
majesty for their pardon. The rest taking a contrary course, 
and maintaining their proceedings, were committed to several 
prisons. Their names were, Mr Charles Farum, Mr John 
Munro, Mr James Irvine, Mr William Forbes, Mr Nathaniel 
Inghs, Mr Andrew Duncan, Mr James Greig, and Mr John 
Sharp. Some of these being sent to Dumbarton, others to 
Blackness, and some to the castle of Doune, the others that 
had confessed their offence were dimitted, and suffered to 
return to their charges. 

These proceedings of the council were openly condemned 
by divers preachers ; and to make them more odious, it was 
every where given out that the suppressing of Assemblies 
and present discipline, with the introduction of the rites of 
England, were the matters intended to be established ; 
whereupon the declaration following was by his majesty's 
command published : — 

" Whereas we have ever since it pleased God to establish 
us in the imperial crown of Great Britain equally regarded 
the good of both kingdoms, now happily united in our royal 
person in one monarchy, ever minding to maintain and con- 
tinue the good and laudable customs and laws whereby each 
of them hath been these many ages so worthily governed ; 
nevertheless some malicious spirits, enemies to common tran- 
quiUity, have laboured to possess the minds of our well- 
affected subjects with an opinion that we do presently injtend 

160 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

a change of the authorized discipline of the Church, and by 
a sudden and unseasonable laying on of the rites, ceremonies, 
and whole ecclesiastical order estabUshed in this part of our 
kingdom of Britain, to overturn the former government 
received in these parts ; which none of our good subjects we 
trust will be so credulous as to believe, knowing how careful 
we have been to maintain both religion, and justice, and to 
reform the evils that did in any sort prejudice the integrity 
of either of the two, whereby justice hath attained under our 
government to a greater perfection and splendour than in any 
of our predecessors' times, and many abuses and corruptions 
in the discipline of the Church amended, that otherwise 
might have brought the purity of religion into extreme 
danger, neither of which was done by our sovereign and 
absolute authority (although we enjoy the same as freely as 
any king or monarch of the world) ; but as the disease of the 
civil body ever was cured by the advice of our three estates, 
so were the defects of the Church by the help and counsel 
of those that had greatest interest therein. 

" And, however, in rule of policy we cannot but judge it 
convenient that two estates so inseparably conjoined should 
be drawn to as great conformity in all things as the good of 
both may permit ; and that no monarchy either in civil or 
ecclesiastical policy hath yet attained to that perfection that 
it needs no reformation, or that infinite occasions may not 
arise Avhereupon wise princes will foresee for the benefit of 
their estates just cause of alteration ; yet are we, and have 
ever been, resolved not to make any sudden and hasty 
change in the government of that part of our kingdom either 
civil or ecclesiastical, but with grave advice and consent of 
our estates, and the wisest and best sort of them whom it 
most properly concerns, much less to trouble them with an 
unnecessary alteration of indifferent and ceremonial matters, 
but to do it upon such foreseen advantages and prevention of 
confusion and evil to come, as the greatest enemies of peace 
and obedience to princes shall not obtrude any inconvenient 
to the contrary. And as by God's holy assistance we have 
drawn that part of our kingdom out of infinite troubles, 
factions, and barbarities, reducing the utmost borders and 
confines thereof to God's obedience and acknowledging of 
our laws ; (a condition never heard of since this isle was 

A. D. 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 161 

first inhabited) ; so by the same divine providence and our 
fatherly care over tlie whole island, we intend to transmit 
the same in good order, happy quietness, and flourishing 
policy, to the posterity wherewith God hath blessed us, and 
after them to the Avorld's end. Likeas for the more verifi- 
cation of this our honourable intention, and to stop the 
mouths of those unquiet spirits, raisers of that false scandal 
of alteration, we have appointed a General Assembly to be 
holden at Dundee the last Tuesday of July, whereat we ex- 
pect a reparation of these disorders in as far as belongeth to 
their censure, and to be freed in time coming of all such 
calumnies. Given at our honour of Hampton Court the 
twenty-sixth of September 1605, and in the third year of 
our reign of Great Britain, France, and Ireland." 

The copies of this declaration were sent to the ministers 
remaining in ward, that they might see the vanity of these 
rumours, and be induced to acknowledge their offence ; but 
they still continuing in their obstinacy, and showing no 
tokens of peniteucy, were again called before the council the 
twenty-fourth of October, to receive their censure for the 
disobedience of his majesty's commandments. At which 
time, being inquired what they had to say for themselves, 
and how they could excuse the contempt of his majesty's 
directions, after some speeches tending to justify their 
doings, they presented in writing a deciai^ation formed in 
this sort : — 

" Please your Lordships, the approbation or disallowance of 
a General Assembly hath been, and should be, a matter 
spiritual, and always cognosced and judged by the Church 
as judges competent within tliis realm : and seeing we are 
called before your lordships to hear and see it found and 
declared, that Ave have contemptuously and seditiously con- 
vened and assembled ourselves in a General Assembly at 
Aberdeen the first Tuesday of July last, and the said 
Assembly to be declared unlawful, as at more length is 
contained in the summons executed against us, We, in con- 
sideration of the premises, and other reasons to be given by 
us, have just cause to decline your lordships' judgment as no 
way competent in the cause above specified, and by these 
presents we simpliciter decline the same, seeing we are most 
willing to submit ourselves to the trial of a General Assem- 

VOL. III. 11 

162 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

h\y, that is the only judge competent. Subscribed with our 
hands the twenty-fourth of October 1605." 

The subscribers were, Mr John Forbes, Mr John Welch, 
Mr John Monro, Mr Andrew Duncan, Mr Alexander 
Strachan, Mr James Greig, Mr William Forbes, Mr 
Nathaniel Inglis, Mr Charles Farum, Mr James Irvine, 
Mr John Sharp, Mr Robert Dury, Mr John Ross, and Mr 
Robert Youngson. 

The last of these was one that had acknowledged his 
offence, and craved pardon, yet at this diet compeared with 
these others, professing, " That he was troubled in conscience 
for the confession he had made, and that he would now take 
part with the brethren who stood to the defence of the good 
cause," as he termed it. The council repelling the declinator, 
declared the Assembly to have been unlawful, and those that 
met in the same, contrary to his majesty's command, punish- 
able. But because they had added to their former fault the 
crime of treason, it was thought meet to defer the censure 
till the king should be acquainted therewith, and his pleasure 

No sooner was his majesty advertised of the declinator, 
than direction was sent to the council for proceeding against 
them according to the laws : whereupon the six that were 
imprisoned in Blackness, they are to say, Mr John Forbes, 
Mr John Welch, Mr Andrew Duncan, Mr John Sharp, 
Mr Robert Dury, and Mr Alexander Strachan, were upon 
the tenth of January thereafter brought to the town of 
Linlithgow, and there presented upon pannel before the 
justice, who was assisted by a number of noblemen and 
others of the privy council. 

The indictment made, which was grounded upon the 
statute of parliament holden in May 1584, touching his 
majesty's royal power over all estates, and the presumptuous 
fact committed by them in declining the judgment of the 
council, certain of their brethren did supphcate the justice 
for license to confer with them apart, that they might per- 
suade them to an humble submission and acknowledgment of 
their offence. This obtained, they were most earnestly 
dealt with (as well by their brethren as by the advocates 
that came to plead for them) to rehnquish their wilfulness, 
and not to exasperate the king by standing to the defence of 


their declinator ; but no persuasions could avail. So return- 
ing to the bar they were desired to answer, and show a 
reason (if any they had) why the matter should not pass to 
the trial of a jury. The advocates that stayed with them 
(for the two principals refused to plead because of their 
obstinacy) excepting against the indictment, and saying, that 
the statute 1592, whereby it was declared, " That the act 
made against declining of the council's judgment should not 
derogate any thing from the privileges which God had given 
to the spiritual office-bearers in the Church, concerning heads 
of religion, matters of heresy, excommunication, collation, 
and deprivation of ministers, or any such essential censures, 
having warrant of the word of God," they thereupon inferred 
that their meeting at the time libelled in Aberdeen being an 
essential censure warranted by God's word, they might 
lawfully have declined the council's judgment from taking 
cognition therein. 

It was answered by his majesty's advocate, " That the 
exception was naught, because the keeping of an Assembly 
at a certain time and place, and the appointing of another 
contrary to his majesty's direction and the charge of the 
council, was neither a head of religion, nor matter of heresy, 
nor excommunication, nor an essential censure ; and so being 
no ways comprehended under that limitation, their declining 
of the council, whenas they were called to answer for the 
keeping of that conventicle in the town of Aberdeen, must of 
necessity come under the generality of the statute 1584, and 
bring them under the punishment of treason." 

The matter after some dispute being put to trial of an 
assize, all the six were found guilty of treason, and returned 
to their several prisons, till his majesty's pleasure concerning 
their punishment should be certified ; what this was, in the 
story of the next year shall be declared. Meanwhile a pro- 
clamation went out, " discharging all the subjects, of what 
rank, place, calling, function, or condition soever, either in 
public or private, to call in question his majesty's authority 
royal, or the lawfulness of proceeding against the said 
ministers, or to make any other construction of the statute 
concerning the declining of his majesty's and the council's 
judgment than was made in that decision of the justice ; with 
certification to those that contravened, that they should be 

164 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

called and severely punished as seditious persons and wilful 
contemners of his majesty's most just and lawful govern- 

Before these stirs in the Church, a convention of the 
estates was kept the sixth of June at Edinburgh, where a 
letter was presented, sent by bis majesty to the estates full 
of affection. The letter was to this effect: "That his 
majesty's love being nothing diminished through his absence 
towards that his native and ancient kingdom, he did wish 
them to contend in a laudable emulation who should live 
most virtuously, and be most obedient to the laws : that the 
nobility should give assistance to the execution of justice, 
and be in all things a good example to their inferiors ; the 
barons should set themselves to procure the good of the 
kingdom; and the burgesses apply their minds to the in- 
crease of trade, especially the trade of fishing, which had 
been long neglected, and to the working of cloth, that had 
made their neighbour country so famous. To them all he 
recommended the rooting forth of barbarity, the planting of 
colonies in the Isles, and peopling the same with civil and 
industrious persons ; assuring them that, they so behaving 
themselves, their liberty should be as dear to him as either 
his life or estate." 

This was the substance of the letter, which the chancellor 
having resumed, and thereunto added many persuasions for 
the following of those wholesome and profitable counsels, the 
estates did express a great forwardness that way, and after 
a long deliberation condescended upon divers good acts, 
which if they had been all carefully put in practice, as they 
were wisely devised, the kingdom had long before this time 
tried the benefit thereof. Amongst other directions, the 
removing of the barbarous feuds was recommended to the 
council, whereof they were desired to make a roll, and urge 
the parties to reconcile ; and if they refused, then to assure 
them to the peace, and commit them to ward till the same 
was secured. And whereas the custom had been to cause 
parties assure one another, the king did prohibit the same as 
a thing dishonourable, and arguing too great presumption in 
the subject, seeing the law should be to every man a suffi- 
cient assurance. The council, reverencing his majesty's 
direction, did ordaiu that course from thenceforth to be 

A. D. 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 165 

observed, and all assurances to be taken for the peace there- 
after, and not of one party to another : beginning being 
made with the Lord IMaxwell and the laird of Johnston, 
they were moved to join hands and I'econcile in presence of 
the council. 

This summer the enterprise of the Lewis was again set on 
foot by Robert Lumsdalc of Ardrie and Sir George Hay of 
Netherliffe, to whom some of the first undertakers had 
made over their right. In August they took journey thither, 
and by the assistance of Mackey Mackenzie and Donald 
Gorum forced the inhabitants to remove forth of the isle, 
and give surety not to return. 

Ardrie and his copartners thinking all made sure, and that 
there was no more danger, returned south about Martinmas, 
leaving some companies to maintain their possession ; which 
they made good all that winter, though now and then they 
were assaulted by the islesmen. In the spring Ardrie went 
back, taking with him fresh provision, and fell to build and 
manure the lands. But this continued not long ; for money 
failing, the workmen went away, and the companies diminish- 
ing daily, the natives having associated a number of isles- 
men made a new invasion about the end of harvest, and by 
continual incursions so outwearied the new possessors, as 
they gave over the enterprise, and were contented for a 
little sum of money to make away their rights to the laird 
of Mackenzie. This turned to the ruin of divers of the 
undertakers, who were exhausted in means before they took 
the enterprise in hand, and had not the power which was 
required in a business of that importance. 

In the end of the year a horrible conspiracy was detected 
against the king and whole body of the state of England. 
The names of the conspirators were, Robert Catesby, 
Thomas Percy, Thomas Winter, John Wright, and Guido 
Faux, Englishmen all, and papists by profession. These 
five meeting together, and consulting by what mean they 
might best relieve the catholic cause (so they spake), Thomas 
Percy proponed the kiUing of the king, and at his own peril 
made off'er to perform the same. Catesby, who had another 
plot in his head, answered, " That they would not hazard 
him so ; and that albeit it should succeed, the case of the 
catholic cause would be no better, the prince and duke of 

16G THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

York being left alive ; yea, if both these were made away, 
yet the councillors, nobility, judges, kuights, and a great 
many others addicted to religion, would be remaining, who 
should be able enough to restore the estate, and cross all 
their purposes ; that therefore he had bethought himself of 
a better and more safe way, which was at one time, and with 
one blow, to cut off all their enemies. This (he said) was by 
blowing up the parliament-house with gunpowder at the 
time when the king and estates were assembled." The 
advice pleased them all ; but first it was thought meet to ask 
the opinion of their ghostly fathers, and be informed of the 
lawfulness of the fact ; as of Henry Garnet, Oswold Tesmond 
alias Grecnwcll, and John Gerard, Jesuits ; who being con- 
sulted commended the enterprise, assuring them they might 
go on with a good conscience and perform the deed, seeing 
they were heretics, and persons ipso jure excommunicated 
against whom they were set. 

This resolution satisfying their consciences, for their greater 
security they took an oath of secrecy, " swearing each to an- 
other by the sacred Trinity and the blessed sacrament they 
were at that time to receive, that neither directly nor in- 
directly, by word or circumstances, they should discover the 
purpose they had taken to any whomsoever, nor should they 
desist from performing the same without license of their 
associates." This oath was given upon a primer in the pre- 
sence of Gerard the Jesuit; and having heard mass and 
received the sacrament, Thomas Percy was appointed to 
hire a house nigh adjoining to the parliament, for the more 
safe and secret working of the mine. 

This being obtained, yet with difficulty enough, they 
entered to work, and after divers intermissions, because of 
proroguing the parliament, when that they had brought the 
mine to the midst of the wall, they found the opportunity of 
a cellar under the parliament-house to be let, and leaving the 
mine, for that the wall was hard to be digged through, they 
hired the cellar, and put in it thirty-six barrels of powder, a 
number of billets, faggots, and a great quantity of coals, 
wherewith they covered the barrels. They had called in 
Christopher Wright, Robert Winter, John Grant, and 
Thomas Bates, Catesby's servant, and communicated the 
matter to them. This last was much troubled at first with 

A. D. 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 167 

the cruelty of the plot, and had forsaken them, if he had not 
been couiirraed and encouraged by Tesmond the Jesuit to 
go on with the rest. After these Ambrose Rockwood and 
Robert Keyes were made of the counsel, all taking the oath 
of secrecy, and receiving the sacrament upon the same. And 
because the charge in buying powder, billets, and hiring of 
houses had been a burden heavy for Thomas Percy, it was 
thought meet to bring in some more ; whereupon Sir Everard 
Digby and Mr Francis Tresham were assumed. 

All things being now, as they judged, made sure, they 
began to think what course was fittest to take after the deed 
was performed. The first doubt they made was touching 
the prince and surprise of his person ; or if he should accom- 
pany his father to the parliament, how they might seize upon 
the duke of York his brother. But this Percy undertook 
to do by reason of his acquaintance in the house, into which 
he could enter without suspicion, and how soon the blow was 
given carry him away by the help of such as he should have 
in a readiness to assist. Of the Lady EUzabeth they made 
small question, for that she was kept in the country by the 
Lady Harrington near to Ashby, Catesby's dwelling-house. 

The next doubt they proponed was, where they should 
have money and horses : and for this Digby made offer of 
fifteen hundred pounds English, Tresham two thousand, and 
Percy promised to bring all he could gather of Northumber- 
land's rents, which he thought would extend to four thousand 
pounds, and to provide ten horses for his part. Neither 
doubted they but, having the heir-apparent in their hands, 
they should find means sufl&cient. 

A third question they made, what lords they should save 
from going to the parliament ; which they agreed to be as 
many catholics as conveniently they might. 

Fourthly, it was moved among them what foreign princes 
they should acquaint with the purpose, and whose aid they 
should seek. Concerning which it was agreed, that none of 
them should be made privy to the plot, seeing they could 
not enjom seci*ecy to princes; and for aid, after the deed 
performed, there would be time enough to entreat the same 
either of Spain or France, or the country of Flanders. 

Lastly, because they saw no way to assure the duke of 
York Ms person, (for Percy his undertaking they held un- 

168 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

sure), they resolved to serve their turn with the Lady Eliza- 
beth, and to proclaim her queen ; to which purpose they had 
a proclamation formed, wherein no mention was made of 
altering religion, because they had not forces sufficient, and 
till they might make good their party, they would not avow 
the deed to bo theirs, but lay it so far as they could upon 
the Puritans. 

Now there remained nothing, all dangers being foreseen, 
and every thing provided, but the last act of the intended 
tragedy to be performed, whenas that which was so secretly 
hatched came to be discovered after a wonderful manner. 
The Lord Monteagle, son and heir to the Lord Morley, 
being in his lodging at seven of the clock at night, had a 
letter given him by one of his footmen, who received the 
same upon the street from a person unknown, with a charge 
to put it in his master's hand. The tenor whereof was as 
foUoweth : — 

" My Lord, 
Out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care 
of your preservation; therefore would I advise you, as you 
tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your 
attendance at this parliament ; for God and man have con- 
curred to punish the wickedness of this time. Think not 
slightly of this advertisement, but retire yourself into your 
country, where you may expect the event in safety : for 
though there be no appearance of any stir, yet I say they 
shall receive a terrible blow in this parliament, and shall not 
see who hurteth them. This counsel is not to be contemned, 
because it may do you good, and can do you no harm ; for 
the danger is passed as soon as you have burnt the letter ; 
and I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of 
it, to whose holy protection I commit you." 

It was some ten days only before the parliament that 
Monteagle received this letter, and but twelve hours before 
the meeting of the estates that the plot was found out. 
Where it is a sort of wonder to think that so many being 
made privy to the conspiracy, the same should not have 
burst out one way or other in so long a time ; for it was the 
eleventh of December 1604 when they began to work at the 


A. D. 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 169 

mine, and so the space of a year and more the conspiracy 
went concealed. Some advertisements were sent to the 
king and divers of his majesty's council from heyond sea, 
" That the papists were preparing to present a petition for 
toleration of religion at the meeting of the parliament, which 
should he so well backed as the king would be loth to refuse 
it." But these advertisements were contemned, and thought 
to be invented for putting the king in fear. 

Yea, and the nobleman, when he received the letter, not 
knowing what construction to make thereof, doubted much 
that it had been a device to scare him from attending the 
parliament. Not the less out of his care of the king's pre- 
servation, he resolved to communicate the same with the earl 
of Salisbury, his majesty's principal secretary, and going the 
same night to Whitehall, delivered the letter to him. The 
secretary acquainting the chamberlain, admiral, and some 
others of the council therewith, aud examining every line 
thereof, resolved to show the same to the king at his return, 
(for he was then at hunting at Royston), and not to search far- 
ther in the matter till they should hear what was his judg- 

The king returning to London the Thursday after, which 
was Allhallows evening, the letter was showed him the next 
day in the afternoon ; who having read the same once or 
twice, said, " That it was not to be contemned, and that the 
style seemed more quick and pithy than is usual in libels, 
pasquils, and the like." The secretary perceiving the king 
to apprehend the matter more deeply than he expected, told 
him " that the letter seemed to be written by a fool or mad- 
man; and pointing at the passage, 'the danger is past as 
soon as you have burnt the letter,' said, that the warning 
was to Httle purpose, if the burning of the letter might make 
the danger eschewed." 

But the king willed him to consider the former sentence, 
wherein it was said that " they should receive a terrible blow 
at the parliament, and not see who did hurt them," and when 
he should join that with the other, he should find it to be 
sudden danger, as the blowing up by powder, that was there- 
by meant. Therefore willed all the rooms in the parliament- 
house to be searched, both above and below, to prevent the 
danger, if any there was. 

170 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

This belonging to the chamberlaiu his office, he was desired 
to make the search, and for staying idle rumours, to delay 
his going to INIonday in the afternoon, the day before the 
first session of parliament. At which time the chamberlain 
taking with him the Lord Montcagle, Avho was careful to see 
what the warning given would prove, went and viewed all 
the rooms, where he perceived in the vault imder the upper 
house great store of fagots, billets, and coal ; and asking 
the keeper of the guardrobe named Whinyard, to what 
use he had put those low cellars, (for they appertained to 
him,) he answered, that Thomas Percy had hired the house 
and cellar, and the billets and coal were the gentleman's pro- 
vision for Avinter. The chamberlain casting his eye aside, 
and espying a fellow in the corner of the vault, asked who 
he was, and received answer that he was Percy's man, who 
kept the house for his master. 

Thus having looked upon all things in a careless manner 
as it appeared, he returned to the king, and made report of 
that he had seen, which increased his majesty's first appre- 
hension ; and thereupon was order given for turning up those 
billets and coals even to the bottom. If nothing should bo 
found, it was devised, that Whinyard should pretend the 
stealing of some of the king's stuft' which he had in keeping, 
and that made the colour pf the search. Sir Thomas Knevet, 
gentleman of his majesty's privy chamber and justice of 
peace within Westminster, being appointed for this business, 
went thither Avith some few in company about midnight, and 
finding a man standing without doors in his clothes and boots, 
caused him to be apprehended. This was Guido Faux, 
whose hand should have fired the train, and gave himself 
out for Percy's man. Thereafter entering into the house 
he made the coals and billots to be turned up, under whicli 
they found thirty-six barrels of powder more or less. Then 
turning to the fellow they had apprehended, and questioning 
him touching the powder, he did instantly confess, swearing, 
" That if he had been within the house when they took him, 
he should have blown them up with the. house and all," 

Sir Thomas taking the man along went immediately to the 
palace, and showed the chamberlain and secretary how he 
had sped. They making themselves ready, and warning the 
councillors that lay Avithin the palace, Avcnt all together to 

A. D. 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 171 

liis majesty's bed-chamber. The king awake, the chamber- 
lain, not able to conceal his joy, cried aloud, that the treason 
was discovered, and the traitor in hands. Then command 
was given to call the council to examine the prisoner touch- 
ing his partakers. He, nothing dejected nor moved a whit 
with so honourable a presence, did boldly avow the fact, 
repenting only that he had failed in the execution, and say- 
ing, " The devil envying the success of so good a work had 
discovered the same." All that day nothing could be drawn 
from him touching his complices, taking all the blame upon 
himself, and professing he had done it for religion and con- 
science' sake. Speaking of the king, he denied him to be his 
sovereign, or anointed of God, in regard he was a heretic, 
and that it was no sin to cut him off. This was his behaviour 
at first ; but being conveyed to the Tower, and the rack pre- 
sented, he laid open the whole conspiracy, and confessed the 

There were in the city at the time Catesby, Percy, 
Thomas Winter, Francis Tresham, and the younger Wright, 
who hearing that all was disclosed made away to the country, 
appointing to meet the next morning at Dunchurch in War- 
wickshire, Digby's lodging. John Grant, with some recusants 
that he had associated to himself, had broke up the same 
night a stable of Benoch, a rider of great horses, and carried 
away seven or eight belonging to certain noblemen of the 
country ; for he did think the conspiracy had taken effect, 
and was preparing to surprise the Lady Elizabeth, whose 
residence was not far from the place. But within a few 
houi's Catesby, Percy, and the others that were fled from 
London, bringing assurance that all was failed, they resolved 
upon a public rebellion, and pretending the quarrel of reli- 
gion, labom'ed to draw some companies together ; yet when 
they had gathered all their forces, they did not exceed four- 
score in all. 

Sir Fulk Grevill, lieutenant-deputy of Warwickshire, 
hearing of the riot that Grant had committed, and appre- 
hending it to be the beginning of a rebellion, sent to adver- 
tise the towns about, and warned them to be on their guard. 
The sheriffs of the county convening, the people likewise in 
arms, pursued them from shire to shire. Sir Richard Walsh, 
the sheriff of Worcester, having tried where they had taken 


172 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1605. 

harbonr, sent a trumpet and messenger to command them to 
render unto him in his majesty's name, promising to intercede 
for their hves. But they, hearing their fault to be unpardon- 
able, returned answer, that he had need of better assistants 
than the numbers that accompanied him, before he could 
either command or compel them. The sheriff, provoked by 
this arrogant answer, prepared to assail the house ; and they 
making for defence, it happened that a spark of fire falling 
among some powder, which they were drying, did kindle and 
blow up the same, wherewith their hands, faces, and sides 
were so scorched and burnt, as they lost courage, and 
opening the gate exposed themselves to the people's fury. 
Catesby, Percy, and Thomas Winter, joining backs, and 
resolving rather to die than to be taken, the two first were 
killed with one shot, and the other after some wounds made 
prisoner; the two Wrights were killed, Rockwood, Grant, 
Digby, and Bates were taken. Tresham had stayed at 
London, and changing his lodging thought to lurk till he 
should find occasion to escape by sea, but was in end found 
out ; so were Robert Winter and one Littleton, and all of 
them committed to the Tower of London. 

Being examined, Thomas Winter ingenuously confessed 
all, setting down the particulars under his hand, and acknow- 
ledging the offence to be greater than could be forgiven. 
Digby excused the crime by the despair they were driven 
unto, having hopes given them at the king's first coming to 
the crown, that the catholics should have the exercise of 
their religion permitted, which being denied they had taken 
those wicked courses. Tresham in his confession named 
Garnet the Jesuit as privy to the conspiracy ; but after- 
wards by his wife's instigation did deny it, affirming that he 
had wronged him, and not seen him once these last sixteen 
years. Yet Garnet being apprehended some months after, 
confessed that they met divers times within the last half-year. 
Tresham died in the prison ; the rest were put to the trial of 
a jury, and condemned. Digby, Grant, Robert Winter, and 
Thomas Bates were executed at the western gate of St Paul's 
in the end of January ; Thomas Winter, Ambrose Rockwood, 
Robert Keyes, and Guide Faux, who had wrought at the 
mine, suffered in like sort in the court nigh to the parliament- 

A. D. 1605.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 173 

This was the end of that conspiracy, the like whereof in 
no man's memory hath been heard. We have heard of 
kings treacherously killed, of practices against estates and 
commonwealths ; but such a monster of conspiracies (as 
Thuanus calls it) no country nor age did ever produce. The 
king, queen, with their posterity, the nobility, clergy, judges, 
barons, knights, gentry, and in a manner the whole kingdom 
to be in one moment all destroyed, was a wickedness beyond 
all expression ; but, blessed be God, this monster, which 
was long in breeding, in the very birth was choked and 

The king, giving order for the meeting of the parliament 
the same day that the conspiracy was discovered, made a 
long speech to the estates, wherein having aggravated the 
danger by many circumstances, and greatly magnified the 
mercies of God in the discovery, when ho came to speak of 
the trial and punishment, was observed to keep a marvellous 
temper in his discourse, wishing no innocent person either 
foreign or domestic should receive blame or harm thereby. 
" For, however," said he, " the blind superstition of their errors 
in religion hath been the only motive of this desperate 
attempt, it must not be thought that all who profess the 
Roman religion are guilty of the same ; for as it is true (I 
keep his majesty's own words) that no other sect of heretics 
(not excepting Turk, Jew, or Pagan, nay not those of Cali- 
cut that adore the devil) did ever maintain by the grounds 
of their religion, that it was lawful and meritorious to murder 
princes or people for the quarrel of rehgion, yet it is as true 
on the other side, that many honest men, blinded peradven- 
ture with some opinions of popery, as if they be not found in 
questions of real presence, the number of the sacraments, and 
some such school questions, do either not know, or not 
believe at least, all the true grounds of popery, which is 
indeed the mystery of iniquity : and therefore do we justly 
confess that many papists, especially our forefathers, laying 
their only trust upon Christ and his merits, may be saved ; 
detesting in that point, and thinking the cruelty of the Puritans 
worthy of fire, that will admit no salvation to any papists." 
And so concluding that part of his discourse, said, " As upon 
the one part many honest men, seduced with some errors of 
popery, may yet remain good and faithful subjects ; so upon 

174 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1606. 

the other part, none of those that truly know and bcheve the 
whole grounds of poper j, can prove either good Christians or 
faithful subjects." The speech is to be seen amongst his 
majesty's works, and is worthy the reading, for the wise 
directions given in that business. 

The news of this conspiracy were speedily advertised to 
the council of Scotland, and a command given for a public 
thanksgiving in all the churches for his majesty's deliverance ; 
but the cause was left to every man's conjecture, albeit the 
advertisement did bear expressly, that tlio contrivers were 
papists, and their only quarrel religion. This being told to 
the king, and that one of the privy-councillors had said, 
"that the conspiracy proceeded of a mere discontent the 
people had conceived at his majesty's government," he was 
mightily oiFended, and from that time forth held his affection 
to his service continually suspected. 

Information was made at the same time, that some of the 
ministers imprisoned , at Blackness did blame the chancellor 
for their meeting at Aberdeen, offering "that they had 
warrant from him to meet, and his promise that they should 
incur no danger for the same." The king, to understand 
the truth thereof, directed his servant Sir William Irvine to 
inquire of the imprisoned ministers what dealing they had 
with the chancellor in that business. Their answer was, 
" That a little before their meeting at Aberdeen, Mr John 
Forbes and Mr John Welch had sought his advice touching 
their convening ; and that he asking them what they intended 
to do, they had answered, that fearing the establishment of 
bishops, they were to do their best for withstanding the 
same ; and that he to encourage them did promise all the 
assistance he could give that way, which they took to be an 
allowance of their meeting." A letter hereupon was directed 
to certain of the council to call the ministers, and if they 
stood to their saying, to hear what the chancellor would 
answer. They maintaining that which they had said, and 
the chancellor called to his answer, affirmed that he was en- 
treated by them to oppose the restitution of bishops' tempo- 
ralities, which then was in working, promising that he should 
not be questioned for his religion, which they understood to 
be popish. This denied by the ministers, they fell in a 
sharp contest ; which continued some space with words not 

A. I>. 1606.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 175 

very seemly on cither part. The ministers, for clearing his 
approbation of their Assembly, did farther allege that he had 
uttered so much to Mr Walter Balcanquel and Mr James 
Balfour, ministers at Edinburgh ; who being examined touch- 
ing their knowledge, Mr Walter Balcanquel did affirm, 
" that the chancellor in private to himself had commended 
them for maintaining the liberty of the Church, which was 
not a little prejudiced, as he said, by the continuation of 
Assemblies from year to year." The same he was said to 
have spoken to Mr James Balfour ; but he excused Jiimself 
by forgetfulness, saying he did not remember any such 
speeches. This report made to the king, he said, " That 
none of the two deserved credit ; and that he saw the minis- 
ters would betray religion rather than submit themselves to 
government ; and that the chancellor would betray the king 
for the malice he carried to the bishops." 

By this contest always the chancellor was made more 
tractable in the restitution of the bishops' temporalities, which 
he had strongly resisted unto that time ; and in the parlia- 
ment kept at Perth in the beginning of July showed a great 
desire to promove the same. This parliament had been 
indicted to keep at Edinburgli in June preceding, and the 
earl of Dunbar employed to see all matters carried therein 
to his majesty's mind. The chancellor (whether out of emu- 
lation to show his greatness, or that he feared some affront 
by the earl of Dunbar) went on the streets accompanied with 
the burgesses in great numbers, who, otherwise than was 
their custom, did walk with their swords. Dunbar taking 
this in ill part, yet dissembling his offence, caused adjourn 
the parliament to the first of July, and therewith presented 
a warrant for removing the same to the town of Perth, 
Avhich, coming unlocked for, made the burgesses forthink 
their doing. 

At Perth, the very first day it happened the Lord Seaton 
and Alexander his brother to encounter the earl of Glen- 
carne, in the Bridgegate, where, drawing their weapons 
against each other, a great tumult was raised, which con- 
tinued a certain space, and disturbed the council that as then 
was sitting. The Lord Seaton being tried to have invaded 
the other, which he did for revenge of his uncle's slaughter, 
he was cited before the council for troubling the parliament ; 

176 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1606. 

but leaving the town lie went home, and for his not appear- 
ing was denounced rebel. It was held an ominous beginning, 
and gave many to think that matters would not succeed 
well ; but the earl of Dunbar did so wisely and with so great 
care prevent every thing that was like to breed trouble, as 
all things were carried from that time forth in a most peace- 
able sort. 

There were attending in the town a number of ministers, 
labouring all they could secretly to make some perturbation. 
The earl calling them to his lodging did rebuke them sharply, 
saying, " That it seemed strange to him, that they who had 
so often petitioned to have the act of annexation dissolved, 
should go about to hinder the same, now when the king was 
to do it in part, specially considering there was nothing to 
be moved in prejudice of their discipline. And that for re- 
moving the differences that were amongst them in that point, 
his majesty had resolved, as they knew by the letters some 
of them had received, to call the most learned and discreet 
of both sides before himself, and have matters composed so 
far as might be to their content. More fitting, he said, it 
were for you, to whom his majesty hath addressed his letters, 
to have been preparing yourselves for the journey. And I 
should advise you, for your own good and the peace of the 
Church, not to irritate the king any more, but rather study 
by your peaceable behaviour to procure favour to your 
brethren that are in trouble." With these speeches he did 
quiet them, and so the parliament went on, and after some 
few days ended in great peace. 

In this parhament divers good constitutions were made. 
But the two principal were the acts of his majesty's prero- 
gative, and the act intituled, " The restitution of the estate 
of bishops ; " which title giveth many to mistake the truth of 
things, and think that before this time the estate of bishops 
was overthrown and cast down, whereas the same was never 
so much as intended. Only by this act the temporalities of 
bishoprics, which by the act of annexation were made to 
belong to the crown, were restored, in regard it was seen that 
the bishops were disabled to attend their service in the church 
and state by the want thereof. 

Soon after the parliament dissolved, such of the clergy as 
his majesty had called to court went thither. Of the one 

A. D. 1606.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 177 

side were the archbishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, the 
bishops of Orkney, Galloway, and Mr James Nicholson who 
was destinated bishop of Dunkcld ; on the other part were 
Mr Andrew Melvill, Mr Jaraes Melvill, Mr James Bal- 
four, Mr William Watson, Mr William Scot, Mr John 
Carmichael, and Mr Adam Colt. All these arriving at 
London about the beginning of September, had warning 
given them to attend the twentieth of that month at Hamp- 
ton Court. 

The king had appointed some of the bishops of England 
to attend during that conference, and preach by course upon 
the subjects prescribed to them. Doctor Barlow, bishop of 
Ely, began, taking for his text the 28th verse of the twentieth 
chapter of the Acts, whereby he took occasion to prove out 
of the Scriptures and fathers the superiority of bishops above 
presbyters, and to show the inconveniences of parity in the 
Church, with the confusion arisiug from the same. Dr 
Buckridge, bishop of Rochester, took for his text the precept 
of the apostle, omnis anima, &c, Rom. xiii. 1, where falling 
to speak of the king's supremacy iu causes ecclesiastical, he 
did handle that point both soundly and learnedly, to the 
satisfaction of all the hearers ; only it grieved the Scotch 
minister to hear the pope and presbytery so often equalled 
in their opposition to sovereign princes. Dr Andrews, 
bishop of Chichester, followed, who choosed for his text the 
first verses of the tenth chapter of Numbers, confirming 
thereby the power of kings in convocating synods and coun- 
cils. The fourth was Dr King, bishop of London : he took 
for his theme the 11th verse of the eighth chapter of the Can- 
ticles, and thereupon discoursing of the office of presbyters, 
did prove " lay-elders to have no place nor office in the 
Church, and the late device to be without all warrant of 
precept or example, either in Scripture or in antiquity." This 
course his majesty took, as conceiving that some of the min- 
isters should be moved by force of reason to quit ■ their 
opinions, and give , place to the truth : but that seldom 
happeneth, especially where the mind is prepossessed with 
prejudice either against person or matter. 

The first audience was in the privy-chamber at Hampton, 
the twenty-second of September; at which, besides the 
bishops and ministers from Scotland, were present the earls 

VOL. HI. 12 

178 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1606. 

of Dunbar, Argyle, Glencarnc, Sir Thomas Hamilton, advo- 
cate, and Sir Alexander Straiten of Lauriston : of the Eng- 
lish, Dr Montague, dean of the chapel, was only admitted to 
stay. There the king, declaring the purpose for which he 
had called them, spake a few words to this effect : " That 
having left the Church of Scotland in peace at his parting 
forth of it, he did now hear of great disturbances in the same ; 
whereof he desired to understand the true cause, and to have 
their advice how the same might best be removed. This being," 
said he, "the errand in general for which I have called you, 
I should be glad to hear your opinions touching that meeting 
at Aberdeen, where an handful of ministers, in contempt of 
my authority, and against the discharge given them, did 
assemble ; and though they were neither a sufficient number, 
nor the accustomed order kept, they would take upon them 
to call it a General Assembly, and have since proudly main- 
tained it, by declining my council, and such other means as 
they pleased to use. The rather I would hear your minds, 
because, I am informed that divers ministers do justify that 
meeting, and in their public preachings commend these 
brethren as persons distressed, which in effect is to proclaim 
me a tyrant and persecutor." 

Mr James Melvill answering ^rst, said, "That there was 
no such discharge given to those ministers that met at Aber- 
deen as was alleged, adjuring Sir Alexander Straiton, who 
was said to have given this charge, to declare in his majesty's 
presence how that matter was carried. As to the absence of 
moderator and clerk, he said that none of those were es- 
sential parts of an Assembly ; and that the moderator 
absenting liimself of purpose, and the clerk refusing to serve, 
the brethren convened might lawfully create others in their 
places; so as these ministers having warrant to convene 
from the word of God, and from his majesty's laws, as also 
coming thither by direction of their presbyteries, he could 
not in his conscience condemn them." 

" Well then," said the king, " I shall desire you to answer 
me three things that I will ask. First, If it be lawful to 
pray publicly for persons convicted by the sentence of a 
lawful judge as persons being in distress and afflicted. 2d, 
Whether I may nut, being a Christian king, by my authority 
royal, convocate, and prorogue, and desert, for just and neces- 

A. D. 1606.] CHURCH of Scotland. 179 

sary causes known to myself, any assemblies or meetings within 
my dominions, od, Whether or not may I, by my authority, 
call and convene before me and my council whatsoever per- 
son or j>crsons, civil or ecclesiastical, for whatsoever offences 
committed by them in whatsoever place within my dominions; 
and if I may not take cognition of the offence, and give sen- 
tence therein. And farther, Whether or not are all my 
subjects, being cited to answer before me and my council, 
obliged to compear, and acknowledge me or them for judges 
in these offences ? " 

Mr James answering, said, " that the questions were 
weighty, and craved a great deliberation; wherefore he 
would humbly entreat his majesty to grant them a time to 
confer and advise together, that they might all give one 
du'ect answer." This desire granted, they were commanded 
to advise and meet together that night, and be ready to answer 
the next day. At this meeting the earls of Salisbury and Nor- 
thampton, with divers of the English clergy, were present. 
The ministers, desiring to have the meeting more private 
requested the earl of Dunbar to move the king therein, and 
that none but Scotchmen should be present ; fearing (as they 
said) " that some unseemly words might escape them." But 
this was denied, and they warned to speak Avith that respect 
which became subjects. It was believed that the king should 
have begun with the questions proponed in the former meet- 
ing ; but his majesty, taking another course, required them 
to declare one by one their judgments touching Aberdeen 
Assembly. The bishops (being first asked) did all condemn 
the meeting as turbulent, factious, and unlawful. 

Mr Andrew Melvill then being inquired made answer, 
" That he could not condemn the Assembly, being a private 
man ; that he came into England upon his majesty's letter, 
without any commission from the Church of Scotland ; and 
though he had commission, indicia causa, and not hearing 
what they could say for themselves, he would not give his 
judgment. Sentence, he said, was given against them in a 
justice-court; how justly, he did remit that to the great 
Judge ; but for himself he would say as our Saviour did in 
another case, Qids me constituit judicem ? " 

Mr James Balfour being next asked, " did pray his 
majesty not to press him with any answer, for that he knew 

180 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1606. 

nothing would be well taken that proceeded from his mouth, 
and that Mr Andrew had answered to his mind sufficiently." 

Mr James Mclvill, without giving a direct answer, began 
to tell, " that since his coming to London he had received 
divers letters, and with them a petition that should have 
been presented to the late parliament in behalf of the warded 
ministers, which he was desired to offer unto his majesty, 
and, as he thought, the petition would make all their minds 

The king taking the petition and falling to read the 
same, willed the advocate to go on and receive the answer 
of the rest. And as the advocate was questioning Mr 
William Scot, and urging him with a distinct answer, (for 
he used many circumlocutions, according to his custom,) Mr 
Andrew Melvill in a great passion said, " that he followed 
the instructions of Mr John Hamilton his uncle, who had 
poisoned the north with his papistry, and that he was now 
become xarriyo^og rZv dbsX(pojv, Northampton asking what he 
meant by that speech; the king said, "he calleth him the 
mickle devil : " and then, folding up the petition, said, " I see 
you are all set for maintaining that base conventicle of 
Aberdeen. But what answers have you to give to the 
questions I moved ? " It was answered, that " they had 
conferred together, and finding them to concern the whole 
Church, they would not by their particular voices prejudge 
the same," But you will not, I trust, said the king, " call 
my authority in question, and subject the determination of 
the same to your Assemblies ? " " This they said was far 
from their thoughts ; but if his majesty should be pleased to 
set down in writing what he required, they should labour to 
give him satisfaction," 

Thus were they dismissed for that time, and being the 
next day called before the Scottish council, (for after this 
they were no more admitted to his majesty's presence,) they 
were inquired whether they had in their public prayers 
remembered the warded ministers as persons afflicted, and 
sufferers for the o-ood cause. Some of them confessed that 
they had prayed for them as persons in trouble and distress ; 
others, that they had commended them to God, but remem- 
bered not in what words. 

The twentieth of October they were again brought before 

A. D. 1606.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 181 

the Scotch council, and had the three questions delivered to 
them in writing, which they were commanded to answer 
severally : meanwhile they were discharged to return into 
Scotland without his majesty's license, and prohibited to 
come towards the queen and prince's court. The bishops 
and others of the clergy that assisted them were permitted 
to return. 

The conference breaking up in this sort, and matters made 
worse rather than better, his majesty's pleasure concerning 
the warded ministers, which to this time had been delayed, 
was signified by two several letters to the council and justice. 
The letter to the justice Avas as followeth : '* Whereas in our 
justice-court liolden at Linlithgow the tenth of January last, 
Mr John Forbes, minister of Alford, Mr John Welch, min- 
ister at Ayr, Mr Robert Dury, minister at Anstruther, Mr 
Andrew Duncan, minister at Crail, Mr Alexander Strachan, 
minister at Creich, and Mr John Sharp, minister at Kilmeny, 
were convicted of the crime of treason, for their contemptu- 
ous and treasonable declining the judgment of us and the 
lords our secret council, by a declinator subscribed with their 
hands and presented in judgment before the said lords ; and 
that the pronunciation of the doom was upon grave and 
weighty respects continued till our pleasure was declared : 
we now, considering the great insolency committed by them, 
and how dangerous the example of such a fact may prove if 
it should go unpunished, specially since we, out of our accus- 
tomed lenity, have given to these declared traitors more 
than sufficient time to have acknowledged their offence, and 
made suit for our pardon, and that yet nothing hath appeared 
in them but an obdured obstinacy, without any token of 
resipiscence ; albeit the greatness of the offence in men of 
their function, whose actions should be patterns of duty and 
obedience to others, hath demerited most justly the extremity 
of punishment appointed by law, yet, according to our wonted 
clemency, being willhig to dispense with the rigour of law at 
this time, and not to inflict the punishment of death upon 
them, our will and pleasure is, that you affix a justice-court 
at Linhtbgow, or any other place our council shall appoint, 
the twenty-third of October, and there cause doom of banish- 
ment forth of our dominions during their natural lives to be 
pronounced against the said traitors : after which you shall 

182 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1606. 

return tliem to their wards, there to remain for the space of 
a month, till they have made their preparations to depart ; 
before the expiring whereof, if they do not depart, wind and 
weather serving, or being departed shall return unto our 
dominions without our license, the ordinary death usually 
inflicted upon traitors shall be executed upon them. And 
because this our clemency extended towards these above 
named may perhaps move others to think,. that for trespasses 
of this quality no greater rigour will hereafter be used ; to 
remove all such conceits, and that notice may bo talcen of 
our full determination in the like case, you shall in open 
coiu't make intimation to all our lieges, ' that if any hereafter 
shall offend in such an high trespass, they shall be punished 
with all severity, and the death due unto traitors be inflicted 
upon them with all rigour, the example of this our present 
lenity notwithstanding ; ' and this it is our will you cause to 
be recorded in your books of adjournal, and publication made 
thereof at the market-cross of Edinburgh, and all other 
places needful." 

By the letter directed to the council, Mr Charles Farum 
was ordained to be confined in the Isle of Bute, jNIr John 
Munro in Kintyre, Mr Robert Youngson in the Isle of 
Arran, Mr James Irvine in Orkney, Mr William Forbes 
in Zetland, Mr James Greig in Caithness, Mr Nathaniel 
Inglis in Sutherland, and Mr John Ross in Lewis. 

The justice, as he was commanded, did keep his court at 
Linlithgow, and pronounced the sentence and doom in the 
manner prescribed. Messengers were also directed to charge 
the other ministers to enter into the parts appointed for their 
confining, and not to exceed the same without license, under 
pain of death. After which a proclamation was made inhibit- 
ino" all ministers to recommend either in their sermons or 
prayers the persons so sentenced. 

And lest the Jesuits, seminary priests, and others of their 
faction, should presume of any qvcrsight to be given to them 
because of these proceedings against the seditious ministers, 
they were in like sort commanded by proclamation to depart 
forth of the realm, and all the subjects inhibited to reset or 
entertain them, under the pain of his majesty's displeasure. 

Mr Andrew Melvill, that could not be idle, and was stiU 
speaking against the orders of the English church, having 

A. D. 1606.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 183 

dispersed some bitter and scornful verses against the rites 
used in his majesty's chapel, which were brought to the king 
by one of the chaplains, was called before the council of 
England, and charged with the injuring of the state and 
church : where, instead of acknowledging his offence, he 
behaved himself insolently, and more hke a madman than 
divine, for which he was committed in the Tower of London. 
There he remained three years and more, and afterwards, 
upon the duke of Bulleine his request, was sent to Sedan, 
where he lived in no great respect, and contracting the gout 
lay almost bedfast to his death. 

AVhilst I am writing this, there cometh to my mind the 
hard and uncharitable dealing that he and his faction used 
towards Patrick, some time archbishop of St Andrews, who 
not content to have persecuted that worthy man in his life, 
made him a long time after his death the subject of their 
sermons, interpreting the miseries whereunto he was brought 
to be the judgment of God inflicted upon him for withstand- 
ing their courses of discipline. If now one should take the 
like liberty, and say, that God, to whom the bishop at his 
dying did commend his cause, had taken a revenge of him 
who was the chief instrument of his trouble, it might be as 
probably spoken, and with some more likelihood, than that 
which they blasted forth against the dead bishop. But away 
with such rash and bold conceits ; the love of God either to 
causes or persons is not to be measured by these external 
and outward accidents. 

But leaving this, the king being very desirous to have the 
Church quieted, and a solid and constant order established 
for preventing the like offences, did call a General Assembly 
to meet at Linhthgow the tenth of December ; and, for the 
better ordering of business, directed the earl of Dunbar to 
attend the meeting. At the day many convened, both mini- 
sters and others. Of ministers there were reckoned one 
hundred thirty-six ; of noblemen, barons, and others, thirty 
and three. Mr James Nicholson elected to preside, the earl 
of Dunbar presented a letter from his majesty to this effect : 
" That it was not unknown what pains he had taken, whilst 
he lived amongst them, as well to root out popery as to settle 
a good and perfect order in the Church ; and that notwith- 
standing of his care bestowed that way, he had been con- 

184 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1G06. 

tinually vexed by the jealousies of some perverse ministers, 
who, traducing his best actions, gave out amongst the people, 
that all he went about was to thrall the hbcrty of the gospel. 
Neither content thus to have wronged him, they had in his 
absence factiously banded themselves against such of their 
brethren as had given their concurrence to the furtherance 
of his majesty's just intentions : upon the knowledge whereof 
he did lately call the most calm and moderate, as he esteemed, 
of both sides unto his court, thinking to have pacified matters, 
and removed the divisions arisen in the Church ; but matters 
not succeeding as he wished, he had taken purpose to con- 
vene them, for setting down such rules as he hoped should 
prevent the like troubles in after-times, which he had in- 
trusted to his commissioner the earl of Dunbar ; wiUing them 
to consider what Avas most fitting for the peace of the Church, 
and to apply themselves to the obedience of his directions, as 
they did expect his favour." 

After the reading of the letter the overture was presented, 
conceived in this form : " Tliat his majesty, apprehending 
.the greatest cause of the misgovernment of Church aff'airs to 
be that the same are often, and almost ordinarily, committed 
to such as for lack of wisdom and experience are no way able 
to keep things in a good frame ; for remedying this incon- 
venient, tlunketh meet that presently there be nominated in 
every presbytery one of the most grave, godly, and of 
greatest authority and experience, to have the care of the 
presbytery where he remaineth, till the present jars and 
fire of dissension which is among the ministry, and daily 
increaseth, to the hinderancc of the gospel, be quenched and 
taken away ; and the noblemen professing papistry within 
the kingdom be either reduced to the profession of the truth, 
or then repressed by justice and a due execution of the laws ; 
and for encouragement of the said moderators, and the en- 
abling them to the attendance of the Church affairs, his 
majesty is graciously pleased to allow every one of them one 
hundred pounds Scots, or two hundred marks, according to 
the quality of their charge ; but where the bishops are 
resident, his majesty will have them to moderate and preside 
in these meetings. As likewise because it often fallcth out 
that matters cannot be decided in presbyteries, by reason of 
the difticulties that arise, and that the custom is to remit the 


decision thereof to the synod of the diocese, it is his majesty's 
advice, that the moderation of these Assembhes be committed 
to the bishops, who shall be burthened with the delation of 
papists, and solicitation of justice against those that will not 
be brought to obedience, in respect his majesty hath bestowed 
on them places, and means to bear out the charges and 
burthens of difficil and dangerous actions, which other min- 
isters cannot so well sustain and undergo." 

This overture, seeming to import a great alteration in the 
discipline, was not well accepted of divers ; but his majesty's 
commissioner having declared that it was so far from the 
king's purpose to make any change in the present discipline, 
as he did not long for any thing more than to have it rightly 
settled, and all those eyehsts removed which had given him 
so just occasion of discontent, they desired a time to deli- 
berate, and that a number of the most wise and learned 
might be selected to confer thereupon, and report their 
opinions to the Assembly. 

The brethren named upon this conference having debated 
every point at length, and considered the inconveniences that 
might arise by the change, especially the usurpation that was 
feared these constant moderators should make upon their 
brethren, resolved that the overture proponed was not to be 
refused, so as certain cautions were added, which were con- 
descended unto, in manner following : — 

1. That the moderators of presbyteries and provincial As- 
semblies should not presume to do any thing of themselves, 
without the advice and consent of their brethren. 

2. That they should use no farther jurisdiction nor power 
than moderators have been in use of by the constitutions 
of the Church. 

3. If it should happen the moderators to be absent at any 
time from these meetings, it should be in the power of 
synods and presbyteries to nominate another for moderat- 
ing in their absence. 

4. When the place of a moderator in any presbytery should 
be void, the election of one to succeed should be made by 
the whole synod with consent of his majesty's commis- 

5. If any of the moderators should depart this life betwixt 


Assemblies, it should bo lawful to the presbyteries to 
noraiuatc one of the most grave and worthy of their 
number for the place, unto the meeting of the next synod. 

6. That the moderators of the presbyteries should be subject 
to the trial and censure of the synod ; and in case they be 
found remiss in the discharge of their duties, or to have 
usurped any farther power over the brethren than is given 
them by the Assembly, the same should be a cause of 
deprivation from their office of moderation, and they de- 
prived therefore by the said synods. 

7. In like manner the moderator of the provincial Assembly 
should bo tried and censured by the General Assembly ; 
and in case he was found remiss, or to have usurped any 
farther power than the simple place of a moderator, he 
should be deprived therefore by the General Assen:ibly. 

8. That the moderators of every presbytery and synod with 
their scribes should be astricted to be present at the 
General Assembly, and be reputed members thereof, they 
bringing with them the registers of the acts and proceed- 
ings in their meetings to be seen, that so their diligence 
and fidelity in their charges might bo known. 

9. That it should be lawful to each presbytery to send two 
or three commissioners to the General Assembly, by and 
besides the moderator and scribe, if they should think it 
expedient. ' 

10. That the moderator of the General Assembly should be 
chosen by the voices of the whole Assembly, lites being 
first made and proponed, as in times passed. 

11. That in the synods where there is not a bishop actually 
resident, the like lite should be made of the moderators of 
the presbyteries within these bounds, and one of them 
elected to moderate the same Assembly, so as his majesty's 
commissioners give their advice thereunto. 

And, lastly, That the rolls of moderators in every presbytery 
should be examined, to see if there was any other of the 
number more fit to use the said office; and that they 
whom this present Assembly should nominate, should bo 
commanded to accept the said moderation upon them with- 
out making any shift or excuse. 

These cautions being read in the full Assembly, were 


approved of all, and the overture thereafter put to voices 
was allowed, and the same enacted as a conclusion of the 
whole Assembly, four only of the whole number disassenting ; 
other four refusing to vote because they commission, 
as they pretended, from their presbyteries, and two answer- 
ing, non liquet. This conclusion taken, the rolls of presby- 
teries were called, and none found more sufficient than they 
who did presently moderate these meetings ; whereupon an 
ordinance was made, that they should continue in their 
charges, and not be altered, unless the synod did make 
another choice. 

This business ended, a great complaint was made of the 
insolency of papists, chiefly in the north parts, and of the 
superstitions used at the burials of the Lord Ogilvy and 
laird of Gight, who had deceased a few months before. The 
marquis of Huntly being also returned lately from court, 
had given out that he brought a warrant from his majesty to 
stay all ecclesiastical proceedings against him, his lady, and 
family : by which reports those of the Roman profession 
were not a little encouraged, and were become open contem- 
ners of the censures of tlie Church. 

These complaints being greatly taken to heart by the 
whole Assembly, it was concluded that a petition should be 
preferred to his majesty in all their names, for confining the 
marquis of Huntly, the earls of Angus and Erroll, with their 
ladies, in some cities and towns where they might, by the 
hearing of the word and conference with learned men, be 
reduced from their errors, at least kept from doing harm, 
and from the perverting of others. To present this petition 
and the act of constant moderators, choice was made of Mr 
James Law, bishop of Orkney, and he despatched to court ; 
which done, the Assembly brake up and dissolved with the 
good satisfaction of all. 

Nor was it long before the king's answer returned in these 
particulars : and first, concerning the marquis of Huntly, his 
majesty declared, " That he had obtained no warrant for 
impeding the Church disciphne, neither against himself or 
any of his family ; and that only (because he aflirmed that 
he had kept all the injunctions prescribed, except that he 
had not communicated) the council was desired after trial of 
his obedience in the rest of the particulars enjoined, to com- 

188 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1606. 

mand the presbyteries of the north to stay their proceedings 
against him for his not communicating ; concerning which 
point he had certified the marquis, that howsoever some 
space was granted to him for his better resolution, if he did 
persist in his errors, and would not be reclaimed, he would 
make no other reckoning of him than of one that studied to 
make himself the head of a ftiction, and rather root him out 
than nourish him in his follies by a preposterous toleration," 

As to the confining of him and the other noblemen in the 
cities and places set down in the Assembly's petition, " His 
majesty did think it too rigorous, unless they were tried to 
have committed some offence deserving the same. Where- 
fore he would have them called before the council, the 
bishop of the diocese, moderator of the presbytery, and the 
minister of the parish being present, and inquired concerning 
their behaviour, and wliether they did resort or not ordi- 
narily to sermon ; wherein if they should be tried to have 
transgressed, his pleasure was they should be confined within 
so many miles compass as are distant betwixt the houses of 
their residence and the city wherein it was desired they 
should be confined, to the end they may repair to their 
houses when the necessity of their business requireth, and at 
other times resort to the city or town designed for their 
instruction, where they should be tied to stay ten days 
together, and during their stay hear sermons, admit confer- 
ence, and forbear the company of Jesuits, seminar}^ priests, 
and others of that profession. And if it should happen them 
to have any business in council or session, that license should 
be granted unto them for repairing thither during a certain 
space, providing they did resort to the Church, and gave no 
scandal by their behaviour." 

For the superstitious rites used at the burial of the Lord 
Ogilvy and Gight, his majesty's pleasure was, " That their 
sons should be called before the council and committed ; but 
no sentence should be given till the whole circumstances 
were tried and notified to him." 

As touching the conclusion taken for the constant modera- 
tors, " His majesty did thank the Assembly for their travails : 
but whereas they were of opinion that the act should be 
universally received, (for so much the Assembly had written,) 
he said, that he knew them too well to expect any such 

A. D. 1007.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 189 

thing at their hands. Their conscientious zeal to maintain 
parity, and a desire to keep all things in a continual volu- 
bility, he said, was such as they would never agree to a 
settled form of government. Besides, he knew that divers 
of these who were nominated to the places of moderation 
would refuse to accept the same, lest they should be thought 
to affect superiority above their brethren. That therefore 
he would have the council to look to that business, and direct 
charges as well for those that were nominated to accept the 
moderation as to the ministers of every presbytery to 
acknowledge them that were nominated." 

The event justified his majesty's opinion, for all the next 
year there was no matter that so troubled the council as that 
of the constant moderators. The synod of Perth, convening 
in March thereafter, did, in direct opposition of the act con- 
cluded at LinUthgow, inhibit all the presbyteries within their 
bounds to acknowledge the conclusion taken in that meeting, 
and discharged Mr Alexander Lindsay, parson of Simme- 
dosei, who was nominated by the Assembly moderator of 
Perth, to exercise the said office, under pain of the censures 
of the Church. The synod, being cited before the council 
for this presumption, was discharged to meet thereafter, and 
the presbyteries within these bounds commanded under pain 
of rebellion to accept their moderators. 

In Fife the resistance was no less ; for the synod being 
continued twice, first from April to June, then from June to 
September, meeting at that time in Dysart, and pressed by 
the Lords Lindsay, Scone, and Halyrudhouse, commissioners 
from the council, to accept the archbishop of St Andrews for 
their moderator, did obstinately refuse, and dissolved without 
doing any thing. Hereupon was that synod likewise dis- 
charged, and all the burghs inhibited to receive them, if per- 
haps they should reassemble after the commissioners were 
gone. The presbyteries of Mersc were also very trouble- 
some, and the council so vexed with complaints of that kind, 
as not a day passed without some one or other. But all this 
opposition proved vain, and they in end forced to obey, did 
find by experience this settled course much better than their 
ch'cular elections. 

A commission came in this mean time for planting some 
' St Madocs. 

190 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1G07. 

learned and worthy person in the place of Mv Andrew Mel- 
vill at St Andrews. The commission was directed to the 
archbishop of St Andrews, the bishops of Dunkeld, Ross, 
and Brechin, the Lord Balmerino. the advocate, the laird 
of Balcomie, and commissar of St Andrews ; who meeting in 
the new college, the sixteenth of June, after the reading of 
his majesty's letter, (whereby it was declared, that the said 
Mr Andrew being judged by the council of England to have 
trespassed in the highest sort against his majesty, and for 
the same committed to the Tower till he should receive his 
just punishment, was no more to return to that charge,) they, 
according to the power given them, did proceed and make 
choice of Mr Robert Howie to be provost of the said college, 
ordaining him to be invested in the said office with all the 
immunities and privileges accustomed; which was accord- 
ingly performed in the July thereafter, and he entered to 
his charge the twenty-seventh of that month. 

It remained that some course should be taken with the 
ministers that were staying at London, who, as it was once 
purposed, were to be provided with some livings in England ; 
but that Church not liking to entertain such guests, they 
were all permitted to return home, upon their promise to 
live obedient and peaceable. Mr James Mclvill was only 
retained, who, living a while confined at Newcastle, was after 
some months licensed to come to Berwick, where he deceased. 
A man of good learning, sober, and modest ; but so addicted 
to the courses of Mr Andrew Melvill, his uncle, as by 
following him he lost the king's favour, which once he en- 
joyed in a good measure, and so made himself and his labours 
unprofitable to the Church. 

Now let us see what happened in the kingdom during this 
time. The king was ever seriously commending to the 
council the removing of the barbarous feuds wherewith he 
had been so greatly troubled, divers whereof by their ti'avails 
were this year agreed ; yet new occasions daily arising, they 
were kept in a continual business. David Lindsay, younger 
of Edzell, seeking to revenge the slaughter of his uncle iNIr 
Walter Lindsay, whom David, master of Crawford had killed, 
as he lay in wait of the said master (who was then by the 
decease of his father succeeded in the earldom), through a 
pitiful mistake did invade Alexander, lord Spynie, and killed 

A. D. 1608.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 191 

him instead of the other. The nobleman's death was much 
regretted for the many good parts he had, and the hopes his 
friends conceived that he should have raised again that noble 
and ancient house of Crawford to the former splendour and 
dignity, all which perished with him. He that was in place 
and escaped the peril, being a base unworthy prodigal, and 
the undoer of all that by the virtue of his ancestors had been 
long kept together. 

Another business no less troublesome did also then happen 
betwixt the carl of Morton and the Lord Maxwell, for the 
holding of courts in Eskdale, unto which both did pretend 
right. The preparation on both sides was great, and like to 
have caused much unquietncss, if the same had not been 
carefully prevented. Both parties being charged by the 
council to dissolve their forces, and not to come towards the 
boimds, the earl of Morton obeyed ; Maxwell, contemning 
the charge, went on, and wdthal, by a cartel, did appeal 
Morton to the combat ; whereupon he was committed in the 
castle of Edinburgh, and after some two months' stay made 
an escape. No sooner found he himself at liberty, than he 
fell a-plotting the laird of Johnston's murder, which he 
wrought in a most treacherous manner ; for, pretending to 
use his friendship in obtaining his majesty's pardon, he em- 
ployed Sir Robert Maxwell of Orchardtown, whose sister 
Johnston had married, to draw on a meeting betwixt them, 
as he did, at a little hill called Aclmanhill. They did bring 
each of them one servant only, as was agreed, the said Sir 
Robert being present as a friend to both. At meeting, after 
they had courteously saluted one another, and conferred a 
little space very friendly, the two servants going aside, the 
one called Charles IMaxwell, a brother of Kirkhouse, the 
other William Johnston of Lockerby, Charles, falleth in 
quarrelhng the other, shooteth a pistol at him ; the lahd of 
Johnston making to part them, the Lord Maxwell shooteth 
him in the back with two bullets, whereupon he falleth, and 
for a while keeping off the Lord Maxwell, who made to 
strike him with his sword, expired in the place. It was the 
sixth of April in the year 1608 that this happened. The 
fact was detested by all honest men, and the gentleman's 
misfortune sore lamented ; for he was a man full of wisdom 
and courage, and every way well iuchned, and to have been 

192 THE IIISTOHY OF THE [a. D. 1608. 

by his too much confidence in this soi't treacherously cut off, 
was a thing most pitiful. Maxwell, ashamed of that he had 
done, forsook the country, and had his estate forfeited. 
Some years after, stealing cjuietly into the kingdom, he was 
apprehended in the country of Caithness, and beheaded at 
Edinburgh the twenty-first of May 1613. 

The purpose of civilizing the Isles was this year again 
renewed, and a long treaty kept with the marquis of Huntly 
thereupon ; but that breaking off by reason of the small duty 
he did offer for the north Isles, the earl of Argyle was made 
lieutenant thereof for the space of six months, in which time 
it was hoped that some good should be wrought, and the 
people reduced to good manners ; yet nothing was done to 
any purpose, the great men of those parts studying only the 
increase of their own grandeur, and striving whose command 
should be greatest. 

In the parliament of England that held in the November 
preceding, the matter of the union received many crossings, 
and of all the articles condescended among the commissioners 
only that was enacted which concerned the abolishing of 
hostile laws. The king grieved at this exceedingly, and 
conceiving that the work should more easily be effected if a 
beginning was made in Scotland, did call a parhament in 
August, which was kept by Lodowick, duke of Lennox, as 
commissioner for his majesty, the earl of Montrose being 
then deceased. The estates, to satisfy the king's desire, did 
alloAv all the articles concluded in the treaty, with a pro- 
vision, " that the same should be in like manner ratified by 
the parhament of England, otherwise the conclusions taken 
should not have the strength of a law." It was also declared, 
" that if the union should happen to take effect, the kingdom 
notwithstanding should remain an absolute and free monarchy, 
and the fundamental laws receive no alteration." But the 
parliament of England either disliking the union, as fearing 
some prejudice by it to their estate, or upon some other 
hidden cause, did touch no more the business ; and so that 
good Avork, tending to the advantage of both kingdoms, was 
left off and quite deserted. 

In the Church a new trouble was moved by the revolt 
that Iluntly and the two earls Angus and ErroU made; 
divers especially in the north parts falling away by their 


A. D. ]G08.] CHURCH of Scotland, 193 

example. This being represented to the king, he gave order 
for calling an Assembly, which convened at Linlithgow in the 
end of July. Therein the earls of Dunbar, Winton, and 
Lothian sat commissioners for the king. The bishop of 
Orkney, elected to preside, having showed the occasion of 
the present meeting to be the growth and increase of papists 
in all the quarters of the kingdom, it was tliought meet to 
take up the names of those that made open profession of 
popery, as likewise of those that were suspected to fiivour 
the course, that their number and forces being known, the 
remedies might be the better advised and provided. 

The number was found to be very great, chiefly in the 
north, and the marquis of Huntly delated by all as the only 
cause of the defection in those bounds. He being cited to 
appear before the Assembly under the pain of excommunica- 
tion, and neither compeiring nor sending any excuse, was 
ordained to be excommunicated, and the sentence accordingly 
pronounced in the hearing of the whole Assembly. This 
was appointed to be intimated in all the churches, and no 
absolution given upon whatsoever offers, in regard of his 
manifold apostasies, without the advice of the general 
Church. The like course was concluded to be kept with 
Angus, Erroll, and the Lord Sempill, how soon the processes 
intended ajrainst them were brought to an end. 

This done, the Assembly began to rip up the causes of the 
defection more narrowly ; which they found to proceed from 
the ministers in a part, their negligence in teaching and 
catechising of people, the too sudden admission of young 
men into the ministry, and the distraction of minds among 
those that arc admitted. 

For remedy whereof it was ordained as followeth : — 

First, That they should apply themselves to the exercise 
of their function Avith greater diligence than they were 
accustomed, and take a special care of young children, to see 
them instructed in the Belief, the Lord's Prayer, and Ten 
Commandments, whereof they should examine every child at 
the age of six years, and yearly inquire of their profiting 
and increase in knowledge. 

2. That some longer time should be prescribed for the 
admission of men to the ministry, and the exceptions, con- 

VOL. III. 13 

194 THE IliSTOUY OF THE [a. D. 1G08. 

tained in tlic act of the age of ministers to bo admitted, 
reserved to the cognition of tlie General Assembly. 

3. That they should use a greater diligence in the pro- 
cessing of papists, and that none out of corrupt favour should 
grant them any oversight under the pain of deposition. 

4. That all who carried office in the Church should be 
careful to eschew offences, and endeavour to keep love and 
peace among themselves. 

5. And for the present distractions in tlie Church, seeing 
the same did arise partly from a diversity of opinions touch- 
ing the external government of the Church, and partly from 
divided affections, the last of these two being the most 
dangerous, as not suffering the brethren to unite themselves 
against the common enemy, they were all in the fear of God 
exhorted to lay down wliatsoevcr grudge or rancour they 
had conceived, and to be reconciled in heart and affection 
one to another ; which all that were present did faithfully 
promise, by the holding up their hands. 

But the fault not being in the ministers alone, and seen to 
proceed from other causes also ; as from the oversight of 
Jesuits and priests, and their entertainment in the country ; 
the preferment of men to public offices that were suspected 
in rehgion ; the fiivour showed to papists by them in places 
of chief authority ; mass priests admitted without his majes- 
ty's warrant, and no security taken for their not returning ; 
licenses granted to noblemen's sons for going abroad, and 
their education trusted to men of contrary profession ; advo- 
cations to the council of matters properly belonging to the 
ecclesiastical judicatories, and the lack of preachers in many 
parts of the land ; it was concluded that certain petitions 
should be formed and presented to his majest}' by some 
selected commissioners for remedying these evils, which were 
formed in this manner : — 

First, That an humble supplication should be made by the 
whole Assembly, enti'eating his majesty not to permit any 
papist or suspected of popery to bear charge in council, 
session, or in any burgh or city ; and where his majesty did 
know any such to occupy these places, humbly to crave that 
order mijrht be taken for their removinor. 

A. D. 1608.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 105 

2. That the laws made against papists should receive 
execution, and no favour be granted unto them by the officers 
of state ; with a prohibition to the council to meddle in affairs 
ecclesiastical, or to discharge the processes led by ministers 
against papists and other contemners of Church discipline. 

3. That papists abjuring their rehgion, in hope of prefer- 
ment to offices of state, should not be admitted thereto till 
they had given five years' probation at least. 

4. That the sons of noblemen professing popery should be 
committed to the custody of such of their friends as are sound 
in religion. 

5. That a commission should be granted to every bishop 
within his diocese, and to such well-affected noblemen, barons, 
and gentlemen as the commissioners of the Assembly should 
nominate, for apprehending Jesuits, seminary priests, excom- 
municated papists, and traffickers against religion. 

6. That the searchers of ships sliould seize upon all books 
tliat are brought unto the country, and present them to 
the ministers of the town where the ships shall happen to 

7. That excommunicated papists be put in close prison, 
and none have access unto them but such as are known to be 
of sound religion. 

8. That the deputies of excommunicates be not suffered to 
enjoy any office under them, and that some others be ap- 
pointed by his majesty to serve in their places. 

9. Finally, that his majesty should be humbly entreated 
to plant the unprovided churches, especially the churches of 
the chapel royal, with competent stipends. 

The commissioners chosen to present these petitions were, 
the archbishop of Glasgow, the earl of Wigton, the Lord 
Kilsyth, Mr William Couper, minister at Perth, and James 
Nisbit, burgess of Edinburgh. Together with the petitions, 
they received a letter from the Assembly conceived in these 
terms : — 

" Having convened in this General Assembly by your 
majesty's favourable license and permission, and shadowed 
under your majesty's wings with the presence of your 
majesty's commissioners, we did set ourselves principally 

196 THE mSTOUY OF THE [a. d. 1608. 

to consider the cause of the late growth of papists among us, 
and found by a universal complaint the chief cause to be 
this, that where the Church in these parts was accustomed to 
be nourished by your majesty's fatherly affection, as the 
most kind parent of piety and religion, we have been left in 
the hands of unkind stepfathers, vrho esteeming us an un- 
couth birth to them have entreated us hardly, and cherished 
our adversaries by all means they could, as your majesty's 
highness will perceive more clearly by the overtures for 
remedy, which in all humble submission wc present to your 
majesty by these honourable commissioners and brethren, 
humbly entreating your majesty to take compassion upon 
us, your majesty's loving children in this land, that we may 
be taken out of the hands of these who are more ready to 
deliver the heads of the king's sons to Jehu, if the time were 
answerable to their wishes, than to nourish and bring them 
up to perfection, 

" There is no cause. Sire, why the apostates who have lately 
grown up in this land should be feared, whatever they be in 
estate or number ; for Avith them are the golden calves, 
which God will destroy ; with them is Dagon, whose second 
fall shall be worse than the first : but with your majesty is 
the Lord your God to fight for you, and under your standard 
are the best of the nobihty, the greatest number of barons, 
and all your majesty's burgesses, unspotted in religion, and 
resolute all of them, for God's honour and your majesty's 
preservation, to spend their goods and lives and whatever is 
dear to them. We also your majesty's humble servants, the 
bishops and ministers of the gospel in this laud, now re- 
conciled to others with a most hearty affection, by your 
majesty's only means and the careful labours of your majes- 
ty's trusty councillor and our very good lord, the earl of 
Dunbar, arc for our parts most ready to all service in our 
callings to stir up your majesty's subjects by the word that 
God hath put into our mouths, to the performing of that 
obedience which God and nature duth oblige them unto, and 
by God's grace shall go before them in all good ensample. 
These things we leave to be delivered by our commissioners, 
whom we beseech your majesty to hear graciously, and after 
some favourable consideration of our case and present suits, 
to give such answer as in your highness's wisdom shall be 

A. D. 1608.] CHUnCH OF SCOTLAND. 197 

thought fittest. And now with our humble thanks to your 
majesty for the hborty granted to meet in tliis Assembly, 
and our most hearty prayers to God Almighty for your 
liighness's long life and prosperous reign, we rest." 

This letter was subscribed by the earls of Crawford, 
Glencarne, and Kinghorn, the Lords Lindsay, Buccleuch, 
Saltoun, Loudoun, Torphichen, Blantyre, Scone, Halyrud- 
house, and a great number of the clergy and barons. 

The chancellor hearing of the Assembly's proceedings, 
and supposing himself to be specially aimed at in all that 
business (wherein he was not mistaken), moved the secretary 
to take journey to court for obviating these courses so far as 
ho might. But he at his coming did meet with a business 
that concerned himself more nearly ; for about the same time 
Cardinal Beliarmine had published an answer to the king's 
apology, and therein charged him with inconstancy, objecting 
a letter that he had sent to Clement the Eighth whilst he 
lived in Scotland, in which he had recommended to his 
holiness the bishop of Vaison for obtaining the dignity of a 
cardinal, that so he might be the more able to advance his 
affairs in the court of Rome. The treatise coming to the 
king's hands, and he falling upon that passage, did presently 
conceive that he had been abused by his secretary, who, he 
remembered, had moved him on a time for such a letter, and 
thereupon began to think that among the letters sent to the 
dukes of Savoy and Florence, at the time such another 
might have been shuffled in to the pope, and his hand sur- 
reptitiously got thereto. 

The king lay then at Royston, and the secretary coming 
thither, he inquired if any such letter had been sent to the pope 
at any time. The secretary apprehending no danger, and 
thinking that his policy in procuring the pope's favour to the 
king should not be ill interpreted, confessed, '•' that such a 
letter he had written by his majesty's own knowledge." 
But perceiving the king to wax angry, he fell on his knees 
and entreated mercy, " seeing that which he had done was 
out of a good mind, and desire to purchase the pope's favour, 
which might at the time have advanced his title to England." 

The king then putting him in mind of the challenge made 
by the late queen in the year 1599 for writing the same 

198 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1G08. 

letter, and how being at that time questioned thereupon he 
had not only denied his own knowledge thereof, but likewise 
moved Sir Edward Drummond, who carried the letter to 
the pope, to come into Scotland and abjure the same; he 
answered, " That he did not think the matter would be 
brought again iu hearing, and that fearing his majesty's 
offence he had denied the letter, and had moved his cousin 
Sir Edward to do the like ; but now that he saw that which 
he had done in a politic course turned to the king's reproach, 
with many teai's he besought his majesty to pardon his fault, 
and not to undo him who was his own creature, and willing 
to suffer what he thought meet for repairing the offence." 
The king replying, " that the fault was greater than he ap- 
prehended, and that it could not be so easily passed, enjoined 
him to go to London, and keep his chamber till ho returned 

After some eight days the king returned to Whitehall, 
where the secretary was brought before the council, and 
charged with the fault; which the lords did aggravate in 
such manner, as they made the same to be the ground of all 
the conspiracies devised against the king since his coming 
into England, especially of the powder treason. " For the 
papists," said they, " finding themselves disappointed of the 
hopes which that letter did give them, had taken the des- 
perate course which tliej'^ followed, to the endangering of his 
majesty's person, posterity, and whole estates." 

The secretary, having heard their discourses, kneeled to 
the ground, and fetching a deep sigh, spake to this effect : 
" Curoi leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent. My Lords, I can- 
not speak nor find words to express the grief I have con- 
ceived for the offence committed by me against my gracious 
sovereign ; for on the one side, when 1 call to mind his 
majesty's favours bestowed upon me, having raised me out 
of the dust to a fortune far exceeding my merit, and, on the 
other, side, I look to my foul fault in abusing his majesty's 
trust, bringing thereby such an imputation upon his innocency 
as will hardly be taken away ; 1 find no other Avay but with 
the forlorn, child to say, Peccavi in ccelum et terram. My 
offence is great, I confess, nor am I worthy to be reckoned 
any longer among his majesty's subjects or servants. His 
majesty's rare piety, singular wisdom, and unspotted sincerity 


in all his actions, whereof I had so long experience, might 
have taught me, that when he refused to have any dealing 
with the pope, the event of the course I took could not be 
good; but I, unhappy man, would needs follow the way 
which to me seemed best, and whereof I find now the smart. 
If no other thing can liberate his majesty of this imputation 
caused by mj folly, let neither my hfe nor estate nor credit 
be spared; but as I have all by his majesty's favour, so let 
all go, even to the last drop of my blood, before any reproach 
for my offence be brought upon his majesty." 

Then rising up, he said, " It shall not be necessary to 
remit my trial to Scotland, which I hear your honours do 
intend, for 1 do simply submit myself to his majesty's will, 
and had much rather not live than lie any longer under his 
majesty's displeasure. Therefore ray humble suit to your 
honours is, that in consideration of my miserable estate and 
ingenuous confession you would be pleased to move his ma- 
jesty for accepting me in will, and that without delay what- 
soever may be done for reparation of his honour may be 
performed, whereunto mo^t willingly I submit myself." 

The chancellor. Sir Thomas Egerton, without taking any 
notice of these last words, declared, that his majesty's 
pleasure Avas to remit the trial of his offence to the Judges in 
Scotland, and that he should be conveyed thither as a 
prisoner, the sheriffs attending him from shire to shire, till 
he was delivered in Scotland ; in the meantime he did pro- 
nounce him depi'ived of all places, honours, dignities, and 
every thing else that he possessed in England. 

Vv'hether or not I should mention the arraignment and 
execution of George Sprot, notary in Eyemouth, who suffered 
at Edinburgh in the August preceding, I am doubtful ; his 
confession, though voluntary and constant, carrying small 
probability. This man had deponed, " That he knew Robert 
Logan of Restalrig, who was dead two years before, to have 
been privy to Gowrie's conspiracy, and that heunderstood 
so much by a letter that fell in his hand, written by Restalrig 
to Gowrie, bearing that he would take part with him in the 
revenge of his father's death, and that his best course should 
be to bring the king by sea to Fast Castle, where he might be 
safely kept, till advertisement came from those with whom 
the earl kept intelligence." It seemed a very fiction, and to 

200 THE iiisTonv OF THE [a. d. 1G08. 

be a mere conceit of the man's own brain ; for neither did 
he show the letter, nor could any wise man think that Gowrie, 
who went about that treason so secretly, would have com- 
municated the matter with such a man as this Rcstalrig was 
known to be. As ever it was, the man remained constant in 
his confession, and at his dying, when he was to be cast off 
the ladder (for he was hanged in the public street of Edin- 
burgh), promised to give the beholders a sign for confirming 
them in the truth of what he had spoken ; which also he 
performed, by clapping his hands three several times after 
he was cast off by the executioner.' 

To return to the commissioners of the Assembly, They 
had presence of the king in Hampton Court the tenth of 
September, where the archbishop of Glasgow having declared 
the occasion of their coming, did present the Assembly's 
letter, together with their petitions. The king having read 
both the one and the other, said, " That the difference 
between the lawful and unlawful meetings might be per- 
ceived by the fruits arising from both : for as that unlawful 
conventicle at Aberdeen had caused a schism in the Church, 
and given the enemies of religion a great advantage ; so in 
this Assembly they had not only joined in love among them- 
selves, which is the main point of religion, but also had taken 
a solid course for the repressing of popery and superstition ; 
that he did allow all their petitions, and would give order 
for a convention which should ratify the conclusions of the 
Assembly ; assuring them that the Church, keeping that 
course, should never lack his patrociny and protection." 

Letters were immediately directed to publish his majesty's 
acceptation of the Assembly's proceedings, and the council 
joined to commit the marquis of Huntly in the Castle of 
Stirling, the earl of Angus in the Castle of Edinburgh, and 
the earl of Erroll in Dumbarton. A convention was likewise 
indicted at Edinburgh the sixth of December, which was 
afterward prorogued to the twenty-seventh of January. 
The archbishop of Glasgow was in the raeantiu^e sent home 
to inform the council concerning Balmcrino his business, and 
how these matters had been carried in England. 

This report made, the chancellor, who had been much 
ruled by the secretary, was greatly afraid, as suspecting the 
' [See Note at the end of this Book. — E.] 

A. D. 1609.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 201 

next assault should have been made upon himself. But the 
king, who knew his disposition, and expected that the chan- 
celloi* would carry himself more advisedly, especially in the 
matters of the Church, the secretary being gone, did haste 
the earl of Dunbar home with a Avarrant to receive the 
chancellor in the number of the councillors of England, and 
therewith appointed him commissioner together with Dunbar 
in the convention of estates : all which was done to make it 
seem that his credit was no way diminished with his majesty. 

In this convention divers statutes were made in favours of 
the Church. As first, that noblemen, sending their sons forth 
of the country, should direct them to places where the 
reformed religion was professed, at least where the same 
was not restrained by the inquisition ; and that the peda- 
gogues sent to attend them should be chosen by the bishop 
of the diocese : wherein if they should happen to transgress, 
the nobleman, being an earl, should incur the pain of four 
thousand pounds ; if he was a lord, five thousand marks, and 
if a baron, three thousand marks. And if their sons should 
happen to decline from the true religion, that their parents 
should Avithdraw all entertainment from them, and find 
surety to that effect. 

That the bishop of the diocese should give up to the 
treasurer, controller, collector, and their deputies, the names 
of all persons excommunicated for religion, to the end they 
might be known ; and that no confirmations, resignations, 
nor infeftments should be granted to any contained in that 

That the Director of the Chancery should give forth no 
briefs, retours, precepts of rctours, nor precepts upon com- 
prisement, till they produced the bishop's testificate of their 
absolution and obedience; and that it should be lawful to 
superiors and lords of regalities to refuse the entry of all 
such to their lands by precepts of dare constat, or any other 

Lastly, that persons excommunicated for not conforming 
themselves to the rehgion presently professed, should neither 
in their own names, nor covertly in name of any other, enjoy 
their lands or rents, but that the same should be intromitted 
with and uplifted to his majesty's use. 

These were the acts concluded touching religion. For 

202 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1600. 

the punishment of rapes, which was grown as then too com- 
mon, liis majesty by a special letter did recommend to tho 
estates some overtures for restraining such violences. As if 
any widow, woman, or maid should be forced and abused 
against her will, the crime should be capital, and not purged 
by the subsequent consent of the woman. 

In like manner if any woman should be taken away, albeit 
no farther injury was done, and she relieved either by her 
friends or by the magistrate, or by whatsoev^^r means, the 
only violence intended should be punished by death, in 
regard the party had endeavoured to do his worst. 

And for those that did entice any woman to go away with- 
out their parent's or tutor's consent, that they should be 
secluded from any part of the goods or lands belonging to 
the woman so enticed. Some other acts for the public good 
of the kingdom were passed at the same time, neither was it 
remembered that in any one convention so much good of a 
long time was done as in this. 

In the beginning of February the secretary was brought 
to Edinburgh and delivered to the magistrates, who received 
him at the Nether Port, and conveyed him as a prisoner to 
the lodging that was appointed. A great gazing there was 
of people, which troubled him not a little, as he showed by 
his countenance. The next day he was delivered to the 
Lord Scone, who with a g-uard of horse did convey him to 
the prison of Falkland : there he remained till the tenth of 
March, and was at that time taken to St Andrews to abide 
his trial. With the Justice there sat as assessors the earls of 
Dunbar, Montrose, and Lothian, the lord privy-seal, the 
collector, and clerk-register. 

His indictment was to this eiFcct; "That in the year 
1598, by the instigation of his cousin Sir Edward Drummond, 
a professed papist, he had stolen and surreptitiously pur- 
chased his majesty's hand to a letter written by the said Sir 
Edward, and directed to Pope Clement the Eighth, in fiivour 
of the bishop of Vaison, for the said bishop's preferment to 
the dignity of a cardinal ; and that, notAvithstanding the 
many denials the king gave him in that, business, he had 
treasonably conspired with the -said Sir Edward to deceive 
and abuse his majesty, shuffling in a letter among others that 
wei-e to be signed, and filling it up after it was signed, with 

A. D. 1609.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 203 

the styles and titles usually given to the pope, had sealed 
the letter with his majesty's signet, the keeping whereof was 
intrusted to him by virtue of his office ; and in so doing had 
most undutifully and treasonably behaved himself, to the 
endangering of his majesty's honour, life, crown, and estate, 
and to the subversion of true religion and the whole pro- 
fessors thereof." 

Upon the reading of the indictment he was inquired if he 
would use any friends or advocates to speak in his defence, 
as the order of the court did allow him. His answer was, 
" That he stood never in so great need of a prolocutor, the 
matter concerning his life, estate, and all that he possessed 
in this world ; yet he had chooscd to keep silence, and not to 
employ either friends or advocates, the offence he had com- 
mitted being such as could admit no defence ; for howsoever 
he conceived that the keeping of intelligence with the pope 
might advance his majesty's succession to the crown of 
England, yet knowing, as he did, his majesty's resolution 
never to use any such crooked course, but to rest upon God's 
providence and his own right, it did not become him to have 
meddled in a matter of that importance. Therefore did he 
entreat all gentlemen and others that were present to bear 
witness of his confession, and the true remorse he had for 
the offence committed, which he esteemed so great, as neither 
his lands, nor life, nay nor twenty thousand lives such as his 
could repair. Only two things he asked liberty to protest. 
One was, that he never intended to work an alteration of 
religion, or a toleration of the contrary, the thing he had 
done being a mere worldly course, whereby he judged some 
good might have been wrought at the time. Next he pro- 
tested, that neither the love of gain nor hope of commodity 
had led him on, having never received nor expected benefit 
from any prince living (his master the king only excepted), 
but an opinion he foolishly conceived that he might that way 
promove his master's' right." In end he said, " that he 
would not make the Judges any more business ; that he had 
confessed the truth, and, as he wished God to be merciful to 
his soul in that great day, his majesty was most falsely and 
wrongfully charged with the writing of that letter to the 
pope, and that he never could move him to consent thereto." 

The jury was then called, and the persons following sworn 

204 THE HISTORY of the [a. d. 1609. 

in face of court : David carl of Crawford, George earl INIar- 
shal, Jolin earl \Yigton, Patrick earl of Kinghorn, John 
earl of Tullibardiiie, Alban lord Catlicart, John lord Saltoun, 
David lord Scone, Alexander lord Garlics, William master 
of Tullibardine, Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, Sir Robert 
Gordon of Lochinvar, Sir William Livingstone of Kilsyth, Sir 
John Houston of that Ilk, and Sir Patrick Home of Pohvarth. 
These going apart, returned after a short space into the court, 
and by the mouth of the earl of JNIarshal pronounced " James 
lord Pialmcrino to be guilty of treasonable, surreptitious, 
fraudulent, and false stealing of his majesty's hand to the 
letter specified in the indictment, without his majesty's 
knowledge and contrary to his will declared ; as also of the 
treasonable affixing of his majesty's signet to the said letter ; 
and of assisting known and professed papists in their treason- 
able courses, to the danger of religion, the overthrow of the 
true professors thereof, and drawing of his majesty's life, 
estate, and right of succession to the crown of England in 
most extreme peril ; besides the bringing of most false and 
scandalous imputations upon his majesty as well in rehgion 
as honour; and of art and part of the whole treasonable 
crimes contained in the said indictment." 

The king being advertised of his conviction (for so he had 
commanded before any doom should be pronounced), by a 
warrant directed to the Justice he was brought again to 
Edinburgh, and in a justice court, kept the first of April, 
decerned to be taken to the place of execution, and there to 
have his head cut off, his lands, heritages, lordships, baronies, 
tacks, steadings, rooms, possessions, offices, benefices, corns, 
cattle, to be forfeited and escheated to his majesty's use, as 
beins convicted of the aforesaid treasonable crimes. His life, 
upon the queen's intercession, was spared, and he returned 
to his prison in Falkland, where he abode some months : 
being thereafter licensed to go unto his house in Balmerino, 
he died, as was thought, of grief and sorrow. A man of 
abilities sufficient for tlie places he enjoyed in session and 
council ; but one that made small conscience of his doings, 
and measured all things according to the gain he made by 
them. The possessions he acquired of the Church kept him 
still an enemy unto it, for he feared a repetition should bo 
made of those livings if ever the clergy did attain unto 


credit. Not lono' before he fell in his trouble the kino- had 
ciiiplojed him to deal with the lords of session, among whom 
he carried a great sway, for restoring the ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction to the bishops; but he taking ways, that he 
thought should not have been perceived, to disappoint the 
errand, drew upon himself the king's displeasure, and fared 
nothing the better because of his miscarriage in that business, 
when this occasion was otfered. It is not for those that serve 
princes, and are trusted by them in the greatest affiiirs, to 
deal deceitfully with their masters ; for seldom have any 
taken that course, and have not in the end found the smart 

A parliament was this year kept at Edinburgh the twenty- 
fourth of June, the Earl Marshal being commissioner for the 
king ; wherein the acts concluded in the preceding conven- 
tion were ratified, the jurisdiction of commissariats restored 
to the Church, the justices of peace ordered to be settled in 
every shire, and a statute made for the apparel of judges, 
magistrates, and churchmen, which were all remitted to his 
majesty's appointment. Patterns accordingly were sent 
from London, not long after, for the apparel of the lords of 
sessions, the justice, other inferior judges, for advocates, 
lawyers, commissars, and all that lived by practice of law ; 
and command given to every one whom the statutes con- 
cerned, to provide themselves of the habits prescribed, within 
a certain space, under the pain of rebellion. Such was the 
king's care to have those who were in public charge held in 
due respect, and dignosced whithersoever they came. 

The king by his letters was now daily urging the bishops 
to take upon them the administration of all Church aff;iirs ; 
and they unwilling to make any change without the know- 
ledge and approbation of the ministers, an Assembly to this 
effect was appointed to hold at Glasgow the sixth, eighth, of 
June. The earl of Dunbar, Sir John Preston, president of the 
session, and Sir Alexander Hay, secretary (which two had 
succeeded to Balmerino his places), being commissioners for 
the king, the archbishop of Glasgow was elected to preside. 
There a proposition was made by the commissioners of 
certain points of discipHno which his majesty craved to be 
determined, " That all things might be done thereafter 
orderly in the Church, and with that consent and harmony 

20G THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1610. 

which was fitting among preachers." Some three days 
being spent in reasoning, at last the concUisions following 
were enacted : — 

1. The Assembly did acknowledge the indiction of all such 
general meetings of the Church to belong to his majesty by 
the prerogative of his crown, and all convocations in that 
kind without his license to be merely unlawful, condemning 
the conventicle of Aberdeen made in the year 1G05, as 
having no warrant from his majesty, and contrary to the 
prohibition he had given. 

2. That synods should be kept in every diocese twice in 
the year, viz. in April and October, and be moderated by 
the archbishop or bishop of the diocese ; or where the 
dioceses are so large as all the ministers cannot conveniently 
assemble at one place, that there be one or more had, and in 
the bishop's absence, the place of moderation supplied by the 
most worthy minister having charge in the bounds, such as 
the archbishop or bishop shall appoint. 

3. That no sentence of excommunication, or absolution 
from the same, be pronounced against or in favour of any 
person, without the knowledge and approbation of the bishop 
of the diocese, who must be answerable unto God and his 
majesty for the formal and impartial proceeding thereof. 
And the process being found formal, that the sentence be 
pronounced at the bishop's direction by the minister of the 
parish where the offender hath his dwelling, and the process 
did first begin. 

4. That all presentations in time coming be directed to 
the archbishop or bishop of the diocese, within which the 
benefice that is void lieth, with power to the archbishop or 
bishop to dispone or confer the benefices that arc void within 
the diocese after the lapse, jure devoluto. 

5. That in the deposition of ministers upon any occasion, 
the bishop do associate to himself some of the ministers 
within the bounds where the delinquent serveth, and, 
after just trial of the fact and merit of it, pronounce the 
sentence of deprivation. The like order to be observed 
in the suspension of ministers from the exercise of tlicir 

6. That every minister at his admission swear obedience 


A. D. 1610.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 207 

to his majesty and to his ordinary, according to the form 
agreed upon anno 1571. 

7. That the visitations of the diocese be made by the 
bishop himself, and if the bounds be greater than he can 
well overtake, by such a worthy man of the ministry, witliin 
the diocese, as he shall choose to visit in his place. And 
"whatsoever minister ■v;ithout just cause or lawful excuse shall 
absent himself from the visitation or diocesan assembly, be 
suspended from his office and benefice ; and if he do not 
amend, be deprived. 

8. That the convention of ministers, for exercise, be 
moderated by the bishop being present, and in his absence 
by any minister that he shall nominate in his synod. 

9. And last it was ordained, that no minister should speak 
against any of the foresaid conclusions in public, nor dispute 
the question of equality or inequahty of ministry, as tending 
only to the entertainment of schism in the Church, and 
violation of the peace thereof. 

These conclusions taken, it was complained in behalf of 
the moderators of presbyteries, who had served since the 
year 1G06, " That notwithstanding of the promise made at 
their accepting of the charge, they had received no payment 
at all of the stipend allowed." Which the earl of Dunbar 
excused by his absence forth of the country, affirming, " That 
unto time there was never any motion made thereof to 
liim, and that before the dissolving of that Assembly he 
should cause satisfaction to be given to them for the time 
past," declaring withal, " That seeing order was taken for the 
moderation of presbyteries in time coming, his majesty's 
treasurer should not be any farther burdened with that pay- 
ment." The ministers, therein remitting themselves to his 
majesty's good pleasure, gave his lordship thanks for that he 
had offered ; which he did also see performed, some five 
thousand pounds Scots being distributed by the treasurer's 
servants among those that had borne the charge. Certain of 
the discontented did interpret it to be a sort of corruption, 
giving out, '•' That this was done for obtaining the ministers' 
voices;" howbeit the debt was known to be just, and that 
no motion was made of that business before the foresaid con- 
clusions were enacted. 


In this Assembly a supplication was presented in the 
names of the marquis of Huntly and the two earls of Angus 
and Erroll for their absolution, and a commission given to 
that effect upon their satisfaction, they subscribing the Con- 
fession of Faith, and swearing to continue in the profession 
of the religion presently established. The marquis of Huntly 
was at that time confined in Stirling, and to him were the 
archbishop of Glasgow, the bishops of Caithness and Orkney 
directed. They found him not unwilling to subscribe the 
Confession of Faith and make satisitiction for his apostasy, 
but in regard of his many relapses did not judge it fitting to 
absolve him ; wherefore they gave order that he should confer 
with Mr Patrick Sin)pson, the minister of the town, a learned 
and moderate man, that so he might subscribe with know- 
ledge, and resolution not to fall back. In the December 
following, having professed himself resolute in all points, he 
was liberated from his confinement at Stirling, and licensed 
to go home to Strathbogie. 

With the earl of Erroll the difficulty was greater ; for 
when, in a public meeting of the council within the Castle of 
Edinburgh, he had professed his conformity in every point 
of religion, and made offer to subscribe, the very night after 
he fell in such a trouble of mind as he went near to have 
killed himself. Early in the morning, the arclibishop of 
Glasgow beino; called, he confessed his dissimulation with 
many tears ; and beseeching them that were present to bear 
witness of his remorse, was hardly brought to any settling 
all that day. Tlie nobleman was of a tender heart, and of 
all that I have known the most conscientious in his profes- 
sion ; and thereupon to his dying was used by the Church 
with greater lenity than were ethers of that sect. 

The earl of Angus, who lived confined at Glasgow, took 
another course, and, upon license obtained from his majesty, 
went to France, where he might enjoy the exercise of his 
religion with liberty, and died at Paris in a voluntary 
banishment some years after. 

Shortly after the Assembly dissolved, the archbishop of 
Glasgow was called to court, and commanded to bring with 
him two others such as he thought fitting. The archbishop, 
taking with him the bishops of Brechin and Galloway, came 
to court in the midst of September. At their first audience 

A. D. 1610.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 209 

the king declared what the business was for which he had 
called them, speaking to this purpose ; " That he had to his 
great charge recovered the bishoprics forth of the hands of 
those that possessed thenij and bestowed the same upon such 
as he hoped should prove worthy of their places : but since 
he could not make them bishops, nor could they assume that 
honour to themselves, and that in Scotland there was not a 
sufficient number to enter them to their charge by consecra- 
tion, he had called them to England, that being consecrated 
themselves they might at their i-eturn give ordination to 
those at home, and so the adversaries' mouths be stopped, 
who said that he did take upon him to create bishops, and 
bestow spiritual offices, which he never did nor would he pre- 
sume to do, acknowledging that authority to belong to Christ 
alone, and those whom he had authorized with his power." 

The archbishop answering in the name of the rest, " That 
they were willing to obey his majesty's desire, and only 
feared that the church of Scotland, because of old usurpa- 
tions, might take this for a sort of subjection to the church 
of England." The king said, *' That he had provided suffi- 
ciently against that; for neither should the archbishop of 
Canterbury nor York, who were the only pretenders, have 
hand in the business, but consecration should be used by the 
bishops of London, Ely, and Bath." The Scotch bishops 
thanking his majesty for the care he had of their Church, 
and professing their willingness to obey what he would 
command, the twenty-first of October was appointed to be 
the time, and the chapel of London-house the place of con- 

A question in the meantime was moved by Dr Andrews, 
bishop of Ely, touching the consecration of the Scottish 
bishops, who, as he said, " must first be ordained presbyters, 
as having received no ordination from a bishop." The arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, Dr Bancroft, who was by, maintained 
" that thereof there was no necessity, seeing where bishops 
could not be had, the ordination given by the presbyters 
must be esteemed lawful ; otherwise that it might be doubted 
if there were any lawful vocation in most of the reformed 
Churches," This applauded to by the other bishops, Ely 
acquiesced, and at the day and in the place appointed the 
three Scottish bishops were consecrated. 

VOL, III. 14 

210 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1610. 

At the same time did the king institute a high commission 
in Scotland for the ordering of causes ecclesiastical, and 
therewith sent to the clergy the directions following : — 

1. That every particular matter should not be brought at 
first before the high commission, nor any thing moved 
unto it, except the same was appealed unto, or complained 
by one of the bishops as a thing that could not be rectified 
in their dioceses ; or then some enormous offence in the 
trial, Avhereof the bishops should be found too remiss. 

2. That every archbishop and bishop should make his 
residence at the cathedral church of his diocese, and 
labour so far as they could, and were able, to repair the 

3. That all archbishops and bishops be careful in visitation 
of their dioceses, and every third year at least take inspec- 
tion of the ministers, readers, and others serving cure within 
their bounds. 

4. That every archbishop visit his province every seven 
years at least. 

5. Whereas there be in sundry dioceses some churches 
belonging to other bishops, that care be taken to exchange 
the churches one with another, that all the dioceses may 
lie contigue, if possibly the same may be performed. As 
likewise in regard some dioceses are too large, and others 
have a small number of churches, scarce deserving the 
title of a diocese, that a course be taken for enlarging the 
same in a reasonable proportion, by uniting the nearest 
churches of the greater diocese thereto. 

6. That the convention of ministers for the exercise of 
doctrine exceed not the number of ten or twelve at most, 
and over them a moderator placed by the ordinary of the 
diocese where the said conventions are licensed, with 
power to call before them all scandalous persons witliin 
that precinct, and censure and correct offenders according 
to the canons of the Church : yet are not these moderators 
to proceed in any case cither to excommunication or sus- 
pension, without the allowance of the ordinary. And if it 
shall be tried that these ministers do usurp any farther 
power than is permitted, or carry themselves unquietly 
either in teaching or otherwise at these meetings, in that 

A. D. 1610.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 211 

case the bishop shall discharge the meeting, and censure 
the offenders according to the quality of their ftiult. 

7. Considering that laic elders have neither warrant in the 
word, nor example of the primitive Church, and that not 
the less it is expedient that some be appointed to assist 
the minister in repairing the fabric of the church, provid- 
ing elements to the holy communion, and collecting the 
contributions for the poor, with other such necessary 
services ; the minister is to make choice of the most wise 
and discreet persons in the parish to that effect, and pre- 
sent their names to the ordinary, that his approbation may 
be had thereto. 

8. That the minister of the parish be authorized to call 
before him and his associates so allowed, all pubHc and 
notorious offenders, and enjoin the satisfaction according 
to the canons of the Church ; or, if they bo obstinate and 
contumacious, delate their names to the bishop, that order 
may be taken with them. 

9. That no minister be admitted without an exact trial pre- 
ceding, and imposition of hands used in their ordination by 
the bishop and two or three ministers whom he shall call 
to assist the action : and to the end an uniform order may 
be kept in the admission of • ministers, that a form thereof 
may be imprinted and precisely followed of every bishop. 

10. That the election of bishops shall in tirhe coming be 
■made according to the conference anno 1571, and whilst 
the bishopric remaineth void, the dean of the chapter be 
vicarius in omnibus ad episcopatum pertinentibus, and 
have the custody of the living and rents, till the same be 
of new provided. 

11. That the dean of every chapter convene the members 
thereof once at least in the year, and take order that 
nothing pass except they be capitulariter congregati ; and 
that a register be made of every thing done by the arch- 
bishop or bishop in the administration of the rents, and 
kept safely in the chapter-house. 

12. That when it shall be thought expedient to call a 
General Assembly, a supplication be put up to his majesty 
for license to convene ; and that the said Assembly consist 
of bishops, deans, archdeacons, and such of the ministry as 
shall be selected by the rest. 


13, And because there hath been a general abuse in that 
Church, that youths, having passed their course in philo- 
sophy, before they have attained to the years of discretion, 
or received lawful ordination by imposition of hands, do 
engire themselves to preach ; that a strict order be taken 
for restraining all such persons, and none permitted but 
those that have received orders to preach ordinarily and 
in public. 

These directions, being exhibited to the bishops and some 
principals of the clergy convened with them at Edinburgh 
in February next, were approved of all ; and at the same 
time was the high commission published, to the great discon- 
tent of those that ruled the estate ; for that they took it to 
be a restraint of their authority in matters ecclesiastical, nor 
did they like to see clergymen invested with such a power. 

The king, no less careful to have all things ordered rightly 
in the estate, did presci-ibe the number, attendants, and 
manner of proceeding which the council should keep in their 
meetings. As, " that the number should not exceed thirty, 
and seven at least be present in every meeting. That at 
their admission they should take the oath of allegiance and 
swear fidelity and secrecy in matters to be communicated 
unto them. That they should convene twice in the week ; 
once every Tuesday for matters of state, ^and once on the 
Thursday for actions. That none should be permitted to 
stay within the council-house but the lords and clerks of the 
council, nor any solicitations be made within the house, but 
that all should take their places at their coming in, and none 
stand on foot, unless they be to answer for themselves, and 
in that case to rise and stand at the head of the table. That 
four days' absence of any counsellor in the time of sitting, 
without license from the rest, should infer the loss of his 
place. That if any of the number were denounced rebel, or 
did not at least once in the year communicate, they should 
be likewise excluded. That wheresoever they remained or 
happened to come, if they should bo informed of any trouble 
like to arise betwixt parties, they should charge them to 
keep the peace; and if tliey refused, they should command 
them to enter in ward ; the disobedience whereof should be 
punished as if the whole council were disobeyed. Lastly, to 


keep their persons and places in the greater respect, they 
were commanded in the streets either to ride with foot- 
clothes or in coaches, but not be seen walking on foot." 

With these directions a command was given to inhibit by- 
proclamation any person " to bear quarrel to another with 
intention of private revenge, requiring those that should 
happen to be in any sort injured to complain to the ordinary 
judge within the space of forty days after the injury com- 
mitted, and insist for justice ; wherein if they should fail, 
and yet be perceived to carry a grudge towards him by whom 
they Avcre injured, they should be called before the council, 
and, if they refused to reconcile, be punished as despisers 
of the royal authority, and violators of the public peace." 

In the isles of Orkney and Zetland at this time were 
great oppressions committed by the earl thereof, for which 
he was committed in the castle of Edinburgh, and the bishop 
of Orkney employed by the council to examine the particular 
complaints. This nobleman, having undone his estate by 
riot and prodigality, did seek by unlawful shifts to repair 
the same, making acts in his courts, and exacting penalties 
for the breach thereof: as, if any man was tried to have 
concealed any thing that might infer a pecuniary mulct, and 
bring profit to the earl, his lands and goods were declared 
confiscated ; or if any person did sue for justice before any 
other judge than his deputies, his goods were escheated; or 
if they went forth of the isle without his license, or his 
deputies, upon whatsoever occasion, they should forfeit their 
moveables ; and, which of all his acts was the most inhuman, 
he had ordained that " if any man was tried to supply or 
give relief unto ships or any vessels distressed by tempest, 
the same should bo punished in his person, and fined at the 
earl his pleasure." These acts produced by the complainers, 
and confessed by the earl himself, were by the council 
decerned unlawful, and the execution thereof in all times 
thereafter prohibited. 

The clan Gregory, a barbarous and thievish race of people, 
that could by no means be repressed nor reclaimed from 
their robberies, were at the same time ordained to be rooted 
forth, and the service committed to the earl of Argyle; who 
made some beginning, and presented certain of the principals 
to justice ; but the neglect of their children and their exhibi- 

214 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1011. 

tion as was appointed, made them in after-times no less 
troublesome to the country than before.^ 

In the end of the yeai- the earl of Dunbar departed this 
life at Whitehall ; a man of deep -svit, few words, and in his 
majesty's service no less faithful than fortunate. The most 
difficult affairs he compassed without any noise, and never 
returned when he was employed without the work performed 
that he was sent to do. His death made a great change in 
our estate ; Sir Robert Ker, a son of Farnihcrst, who had 
served the king long in the quality of a page, Avas then 
grown powerful in court, carrying all things by his credit. 
At first the treasurer's office, which was in the person of 
Dunbar whilst he lived, was trusted to certain commissioners ; 
but after a little space tlie same was bestowed upon the said 
Sir Robert, and he preferred to be earl of Somerset. The 
guard that Sir Vvilliam Cranston, a gentleman of great 
worth, did command, and wherewith he had performed divers 
notable services in the borders, was taken from him, and 
given to Sir Robert Ker of Ancrum, Somerset's cousin. Sir 
Gideon Murray, his uncle by the mother, was made deputy 
in the office of treasury ; and Sir Thomas Hamilton, his 
majesty's advocate, who had married his sister, placed first 
in the office of register, and afterwards made secretary ; all 
which was ascribed to Somerset his credit. Yet these things 
were not ill taken, the last excepted. For Sir William 
Cranston being content to resign his place, the king in 
remembrance of his good service did prefer him to be a lord 
of pai'liament; Sir Gideon his abiUties for the service he 
was trusted with were known to all ; and for the advocate, 
his sufficiency was undoubted, only the manner of his coming 
to be register was not so well interpreted. Sir John Skeen 
had enjoyed the place a good many years, and being grown 
in age and infirm, thinking to get his son provided to his 
office, had sent him to court with a dimission of the place, 
but with a charge not to use it, unless he found the king 
willing to admit him : yet he, abused by some politic wits, 
made a resignation of the office, accepting an ordinary place 
among the lords of session. The office upon his resignation 
was presently disponed to the advocate, which grieved the 
father beyond all measure. And the case indeed was pitiful 
' [See Note at the end of this Book. — E.] 

A. D. 1612.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 215 

and much regretted by all honest men ; for he had been a 
man much employed and honoured with divers legations, 
which he discharged with good credit, and now in his age to 
. be circumvented in this sort by the simplicity or folly of his 
sou, it was held lamentable. The king being informed of 
the abuse by the old man's complaint, was very careful to 
satisfy him, and to have the son reconciled to his father, 
which after some travail was brought to pass : yet so exceed- 
ing was the old man's discontent, as within a few days he 
•deceased. The office of register was shortly after inter- 
changed with the secretary Sir Alexander Hay, and he made 
keeper of the rolls, the Lord Binning secretary, and Sir 
William Oliphant received to be his majesty's advocate. 

In the beginning of the next year there happened divers 
unhappy quarrels betwixt the Scotch and English at court, which 
was like to have produced very bad eiFects; and nothing worse 
taken than the slaughter of an English fencer by the Lord 
Sanquhar's instigation, who, for an injury alleged, did hii-e 
one called Carleill to kill the fencer. This fact committed 
in the city of London, and so near to the king's court, caused 
such a heartburning among the people, as it was not far 
from breaking forth into a general commotion. But his 
majesty, preventing the danger, made Sanquhar to be ar- 
rested and brouo'ht to his trial ; where beina" convicted he 
was hanged publicly at the palace-gate of Westminster. 
This act of justice gave the English a great content; nor 
was the death of the nobleman much regretted by his own 
country people, for he had lived all his time dissolutely, and 
falling in familiarity Avith a base courtezan at Paris, had by 
her a son to whom he entailed his lands, intending to defraud 
the lawful heir. But the king, taking the matter into liis 
own cognition, did, by compromise, adjudge the succession 
m to the just inheritor, appointing a Httle portion to the base 
■ son, who in a short time made away the same prodigally. 
K Not long before, his majesty being informed of a course 
v kept by the Church in excommunicating persons that were 
^^/ugitives for capital crimes, sent to the bishops and clergy a 
^Hletter of this tenor. 

" The ecclesiastical censure of excommunication, which 
should be inflicted upon such as having committed any 

216 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1612, 

scandalous offence arc contemners of the admonitions of the 
Church, is, as we have been informed, so for abused against 
the first institution, that we cannot sufficiently marvel of the 
proceeding said to be commonly used among you ; namely, 
that liersons fugitive for capital crimes being cited before 
ecclesiastical judicatories, although it be known that they 
dare not compeir for fear of their life, are sentenced as per- 
sons contumacious, whereas the fear they stand in ought in 
reason to excuse their absence, since they cannot be judged 
contemners of the Church who upon just terrors are kept 
back from giving their personal appearance. In a late 
treatise the Venetian Padre Paulo did learnedly confute the 
sentence pronounced by the present pope against him for his 
not appearing to answer in the cause of heresy, only upon 
the just fear he pretended, and had his appeal justified by all 
indifferent men from the pope's sentence as abusive. Your 
proceedings for the manner is no other, and by the learncdest 
divines in these parts resembled to the Muscovite's form, who, 
if he be offended with any person, commandeth him to send 
his head unto him : just so your citations are in the foresaid 
case, which is to will the offenders come in and be hanged, 
which were they never so penitent is not to be thought they 
will do ; for they will rather fall under your censure, than 
hazard themselves in the hands of the justice. This being 
the ready way to bring the censures of the Church in con- 
tempt, our pleasure is, that hereafter there be no such form 
of proceeding used among you. Notwithstanding if it shall 
happen such offenders to obtain our pardon, and that the 
fear they stand in of their life be removed, we mean not 
but that they should be called before the Church, and cen- 
sures used against those that are impenitent. Hereof per- 
suading ourselves that you will have care, and not give way 
to the abuse in time coming, we bid you farewell." 

Upon the receipt of this letter, the bishops convening with 
certain of the clergy, to advise what course was fittest to be 
held in these cases, a long reasoning was kept, some main- 
taining, " That the form practised by the Church was not to be 
changed, they having tried the good thereof, and that people 
were terrified by this means from falling into these odious 
crimes." Others reasoned, " That the principal end of all 


church censures, especially of excommunication, was the 
reclaimino; of offenders, and the briuoin^ of them to the 
acknowledgment of their sin, and that where this principal 
use had no place, that other secondary ends ought not to be 
respected ; and so in case of fugitives, what could any cen- 
sure avail to their reclaiming, they not being in place to 
answer, or to receive any admonition ? Yea, and might it 
not fall, that by proceeding against men in such case, men 
truly sorrowful for their sin should be sentenced, and so the 
persons bound by the Church whom God hath loosed ? They 
did therefore judge it more safe in these cases to advertise 
people of the heiuousness of the fact committed, warning 
them to make their own profit tliereof, and to forbear all 
proceeding against the fugitive person till his condition 
should be made known." This turned to be the resolution 
of the whole number, and thereupon direction was given to 
the ministers not to intend or follow any process against 
fugitives in time comino". 

This year the earl of Eglinton departed this life, who, 
having no child nor heir-male to succeed, made a disposition 
of his lands and honours to Sir Alexander Seaton his cousin- 
german, with a proviso, " That he and his children should 
take the name and use the arms of the house of Mont- 
gomery." The king, who was always most tender in the 
conveyance of honours, being informed of the disposition 
made by the deceased earl, did by a letter written to the 
council witness his displeasure at such alienations ; showing 
that howsoever he could not stay noblemen to dispose of 
their lands, he, being the fountain of all honour within his king- 
doms, would not permit the same to be sold or alienated 
without his consent : and thereupon did inhibit the said Sir 
Alexander to use the title of lord or earl, notwithstanding 
the disposition made to him. Some two years after his 
majesty was pleased to bestow the honour upon him, and so 
was he received into the place and honour formerly belong- 
ing to the house of Eglinton. 

In the month of October a parliament was kept at Edin- 
burgh, the chancellor being commissioner for the king ; 
wherein the conclusions taken in the Assembly at Glasgow 
were ratified, and all Acts and constitutions, especially the 
Act made in the parliament 1592, rescinded and annulled, in 


218 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1G12. 

SO far as they, or any of them, or any part of the same, were 
derogatory to the articles there concluded. 

In this parliament a subsidy was urged, and a great con- 
test made for the quantity, which was required in a more 
large measure than in former times, because of his majesty's 
affairs, especially for the marriage of the Lady Ehzabeth 
with the Palsgrave, who in the same month arrived in 
Eno-land. The poverty of the country, with a fear that 
what was then granted should be made a precedent for after- 
times, was pretended by those that withstood the motion : 
albeit the true cause was known to be the dislike that the 
popish faction had of the match, which by all means they 
laboured to cross : nor was any more busy than the Lord 
Burleigh to impede the subsidy. He, being but a little 
before come from court, did affirm that the king in a private 
speech with him touching the same, had said, " That he re- 
quired no more than was granted in the parliament 1606," 
and thereby made the opposition greater than otherwise it 
would have been. Yet in the end, after long debating, it 
was concluded, that the supply should be more liberal in 
regard of the present occasion than at any time before. 

The king upon advertiscmeut of the Lord Burleigh's 
business gave order to remove him from the council, and to 
inhibit him from coming any more at court : which he 
apprehending to be the Lord Scone's doing, and that he had 
informed against him, took so ill, as he did send him a 
challenge, and appeal him to the combat. Hereupon he was 
committed in the castle of Edinburgh, where he remained 
some two months ; thereafter, upon tlie acknowledgment of 
his offence, and being reconciled with the Lord Scone, he 
was put to liberty. 

In court at this time was great rejoicing, and the marriage 
of the Lady Elizabeth with the Prince Palatine daily ex- 
pected, when on the sudden all was turned to mourning by 
the death of Prince Henry, who departed this life at St 
James's in the beginning of November. A prince of ex- 
cellent virtues, and all the perfections that can be wished for 
in youth. He died at the age of eighteen years and eight 
months, greatly lamented both at home and abroad. The 
council esteeming it their duty to express their doleance for 
that accident, made choice of the chancellor and the arch- 

A. D. 1613.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 219 

bishop of Glasgow for that business. But the king having 
received a hard information of the chancellor's carriage in 
the late parliament, sent his servant William Shaw to dis- 
charge him from coming to court, who encountering him at 
]Morpeth caused him to return. The archbishop, who was 
no farther advanced than Berwick, accompanied the chancel- 
lor to Edinburgh ; and after a short stay there, as he was 
willed, took his journey again towards court, whither he 
came a little before Christmas. The nuptiak, in regard of 
the prince's death, were put off to the February following ; 
at which time, the soi'row being a little worn out, the same 
were performed with great solemnity. 

It was showed before concerning the oppressions of the 
people of Orkney, that the acts made by the earl in his 
courts were judged unlawful, and he discharged to put the 
same thereafter in execution. Not the less going on in his 
wonted course, he sent his base son called Robert into the 
country, in show to uplift his rents and duties, but in effect 
to try and punish the transgressors of those acts : whereupon 
new complaints being preferred to the council, the king was 
advised to make purchase of Sir John Arnot's right, to whom 
the earl had impignorated his estate, as being the only means 
to relieve that distressed people from his oppressions ; the 
bargain shortly was made, and the king possessed in the 
lands. Sir James Stewart, Captain James his son, being made 
chamberlain and sheriff of the coujitry. The earl himself 
was transported from Edinburgh to the castle of Dumbarton, 
and had allowed to him six shillings eight pence sterling a- 
day for his entertainment ; where he had not long remained, 
whenas he received advertisement that the castles of Kirk- 
wall, Birsay, and other his houses in those isles were all 
rendered to the sheriff. This put him in a great passion, 
and many ways he essayed to make an escape ; but finding 
no possibility, he sent his base son, who was lately returned, 
with an express command to take back the houses, and 
expulse the deputy Mr John Finlasou, whom the chamberlain 
had left there. 

The young man at his coming to Orkney being assisted 
with some loose people made his first assault upon Birsay, 
expulsing Bernard Stewart the keeper, and placing a garri- 
son therein of some thirty persons. The deputy hearing 


■what was done went speedily thither, charging them in his 
majesty's name to render : but they despising tlic charge, 
and he not able to force them, he went from thence to Kirk- 
wall; the rebels following at his heels, compelled. him in 
like sort to render the castle of Kirkwall in which he had 

Upon report of this rebellion, commission was given to the 
earl of Caithness, as lieutenant for the king in those bounds, 
to recover the castles and pacify the country ; which he care- 
fully performed. At his tirst landing, a company of people, 
to the number of five hundred, who were brought together 
more out of fear of the rebels than of any desire to withstand, 
made a countenance to resist ; but how soon they perceived 
the earl's resolution to pursue, they gave back, their leaders 
flying to the castles, which they meant to defend. This 
they made good some five weeks or more, till the cannon 
having beaten down a great part of the walls, they were 
forced to yield themselves at discretion. The persons taken 
in the castle were Robert Stewart the earl's base son, 
Archibald Murray, Andrew Martin, Alexander Legat, and 
Thomas King, servants to the earl. These were all trans- 
ported to Edinburgh, and being convicted by a jury, were 
hanged on a gibbet at the market-cross. In this siege the 
lieutenant lost four men only ; namely, WiUiam Irvine son 
to WiUiam Irvine of Saba, James Richardson, Andrew 
Adamson, and William llobinson, who were killed all by 
shots from the house ; many were wounded and hurt, but 
thereof recovered. 

Towards the end of the year Mr David Lindsay, bishop 
of Ross, departed this life in a great age, having attained to 
fourscoi'e and two or three years ; a man nobly descended, 
and a brother of the house of Edzell. Soon after the Refor- 
mation, returning from his travels abroad, he applied himself 
to the function of the ministry, and entering the charge at 
Leith, continued therein to his death ; of a peaceable nature, 
and greatly favoured of the king, to whom he performed 
divei's good services, especially in tiie troubles he had with 
the Church ; a man universally beloved and well esteemed 
of by all wise men. His corpse was interred at Leith by 
his own direction, as desiring to rest with that people on 
whom he had taken great pains in his life. 

A. D. 1614.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 221 

The earl of Orkney being brought, tlie October preced- 
ing, from Dumbarton to Edinburgh, was in February next 
put to trial, where together with the justice there sat as 
assessors the earl of Dunfermline, chancellor, the Lord Bin- 
ing, secretary, the president Sir John Preston, Sir Gideon 
Murray, treasurer-deputy, Sir Richard Cockburn of Clark- 
ingtou, lord privy-seal, Sir John Cockburn of Ormiston, 
justice-clerk, Sir Alexander Hay, clerk -register, Sir William 
Livingstone of Kilsyth, and Sir Alexander Drummond of 
Medop, senators of the college of justice. 

The substance of the indictment was, " That he had caused 
his base son to surprise the castle of Kirkwall, with the 
steeple of the church, the place called the yards, and house 
of Birsay ; that he had incited the people to rebellion, and 
detained the said castles and houses treasonably after he 
was charged to render the same." His prolocutors were 
Mr Alexander King, Mr Thomas Nicolson, and Mr Alex- 
ander Forbes, lawyers, all of good esteem ; the chief defence 
they used was a denial of the libel. The advocate producing 
the confession of his base son and those that were executed 
with hira, together with some missive letters written by one 
John Sharpe at his direction for the detaining of the castle 
of Kirkwall, and a charter of certain lands gifted by him to 
Patrick Halcro for assisting the rebels, the justice remitted 
the verity of the indictment to the assize. 

The persons chosen thereupon were James earl of Glen- 
came, George earl of Winton, John earl of Perth, Robert 
earl of Lothian, William earl of Tullibardine, David lord 
Scone, William lord Sanquhar, John lord Herries, James 
lord Torphichen, Hugh lord Sempill, WilHam lord Kilmaurs, 
John Grant of Freuchie, Sir Patrick Hepburn of Waughton, 
Robert Arnot of Farny, and Sir Henr}^ Lindsay of Kin- 
fauns ; Avho, sworn and received according to the custom, 
went apart by themselves for a certain space, and returning 
unto the court, by the mouth of their chancellor (the earl of 
Glcncarne) declared him guilty of the foresaid rebellion, and 
of the whole points contained in the indictment. The justice 
thereupon gave sentence, that he should be taken to the 
market-cross, and there beheaded, and all his goods and 
lands confiscated. 

The earl takmg the sentence impatiently, some preachers 

222 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1014. 

were desired to confer with liim, and to dispose his mind 
towards death ; but they finding him irresolute, entreated 
for a delay of the execution ; which was granted to the sixth 
of February, at which time he was brought unto the scaffold, 
guarded by the magistrates of the city, and in the sight of 
many people beheaded. This w^as the end of Patrick earl 
of Orkney, son to Robert Stewart, one of King James the 
Fifth his base sons. Robert was at first provided to the 
abbacy of Halyrudhouse, which he enjoyed divers years. 
After the forfeiture of Hepburn, Earl Bothwell, and the 
obtaining of these isles, he exchanged the abbacy with the 
bishopi'ic of Orkney, and so became sole lord of the country. 
Patrick, succeeding to an elder brother who died young, by 
his too much resort to court and profuse spending did involve 
himself in great debts, and seeking to repair his estate by the 
indirect courses he touched, fell into these inconveniences 
which you have heard, and may serve for a warning to all 
great personages not to oppress nor play the tyrants over the 
meaner sort of people. 

About the end of the year John Ogilvy a Jesuit was 
apprehended at Glasgow. He was lately come from Gratz, 
where the Jesuits have a college, by the command (as he 
said) of his superiors, to do some service in these parts. 
There were found with him three little books, containing 
ccriain directories for receiving confessions ; a warrant to 
dispense with them that possessed any church-livings, con- 
ceived in this form, Quoad dispensationem de bonis ecclesias- 
iicis, poteris dispensare ut retineant quce 2)ossident, dummodo 
in usus pios aliquid impendant, pro judicio confessarii dis- 
pensantis ; with some rehcs, and a tuft of St Ignatius's hair, 
the founder of their order, which he seemed to have in great 

Upon advertisement given to his majesty, a commission 
was sent to the secretary, the Lord Kilsyth, the treasurer- 
deputy, and advocate, for his examination and trial. Being 
presented before them, and inquired when he came into 
Scotland, what his business was, and where he had resorted ? 
To the first he answered, that he came in the June preced- 
ing ; to the second, that his errand was to save souls ; but 
to the third he denied to give any answer at all, saying, 
" that he would not utter any thing that might work pre- 

A. D. 1614.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 223 

judice to others : " nor could lie be induced either by per- 
suasion or threatening to detect the persons with whom he 
had resorted. • The commissioners offended at his obstinacy, 
and meaning to extort a confession from him, advised to 
keep him some nights from sleep : and this indeed wrought 
somewhat with him, so as he began to discover certain 
particulars, but how soon he was permitted to take any rest, 
he denied all, and was as obstinate in denying as at first. 

His majesty being certified that without torture nothing 
would be drawn from him, made answer, " That he Avould 
not have those forms used with men of his profession ; and if 
nothing could be found but that he was a Jesuit, and had 
said mass, they should banish him the country, and inhibit 
him to return without license, under pain of death. But if 
it should appear that he had been a practiser for the stu'ring 
up of subjects to rebellion, or did maintain the pope's trans- 
cendent power over kings, and refused to take the oath of 
allegiance, they should leave him to the course of law and 
justice; meanwhile his pleasure was, that the questions 
following should be moved unto him, and his answers there- 
to required." 

1. Whether the pope be judge and hath power in spiritua- 
libus over his majesty ; and whether that power will reach 
over his majesty in temporalibus if it be in ordine ad spiri- 
tualia, as Bellarmine affirmeth ? 

2. Whether the pope hath power to excommunicate 
kings (especially such as are not of his Church), as his 
majesty ? 

3. Whether the pope hath power to depose kings by him 
excommunicated ; and in particular, whether he hath power 
to depose the king's majesty ? 

4. Whether it be no murder to slay his majesty, being so 
excommunicated and deposed by the pope ? 

5. Whether the pope hath power to assoile subjects from 
the oath of their born and native allegiance to his majesty ? 

These questions were sent enclosed in a letter to the arch- 
bishop of Glasgow, who assuming to himself the provost of 
the city, the principal of the college, and one of the ministers, 
as witnesses, did in their hearing read the questions, and 

224 THE HISTORY of the [a. d. 1614. 

receive his answer, Avhich he gave under his hand, as 
foUoweth : — 

I acknowledge the pope of Rome to be judge unto his 
majesty, and to have power over him in spirit nalibus, and 
over all Christian kings. But where it is asked, whether 
that power will reach over him in temporalibus, 1 am not 
obliged to declare my opinion therein, except to liim that is 
judge in controversies of religion, to wit, the pope, or one 
having authority from him. 

For the second point, I think that the pope hath power to 
excommunicate the king ; and where it is said, that the king 
is not of the pope's Church, I answer, that all who arc 
baptized are under the pope's power. 

To the third, where it is asked, if the pope hath power to 
depose the king, being excommunicated ; I say that I am not 
tied to declare my mind, except to him that is judge in con- 
troversies of religion. 

To the fourth and fifth I answer ut supra. 

Being reasoned with a long time, and the danger exponed 
wherein he did cast himself by maintaining such treasonable 
opinions, he answered, " That he would not change his mind 
for any danger tliat could befall him ;" and speaking of the 
oath of allegiance, said, " that it was a damnable oath, and 
treason against God to swear it." Some days being allowed 
him to bethink himself better of these points, whenas no 
advice could prevail, the answers were sent to his majesty 
subscribed by himself, and therewith a testification of such 
as were present at the giving thereof. 

Hereupon the council was commanded to pass a commis- 
sion to the provost and bailiffs of Glasgow for putting him to 
a trial. There were assisting, James marquis of Hamilton, 
Robert carl of Lothian, William lord Sanquhar, John 
lord Fleming, and Robert lord Boyd. Some days be- 
fore he was brought to the bar, it was told him, " That he 
was not to be charged with saying of mass, nor any thing 
that concerned his profession, but only with the answers 
made to the questions proponed, which, if he should recall, 
there being yet place to repentance, the trial should be sus- 
pended till his majesty were of new advertised." His reply 


was, " That ho did so little mind to recall any thing he had 
spoken, as Avhcn he should be brought to his answer he should 
put a bonnet on it." And this indeed he performed ; for 
when he was placed on pannel, and the indictment read, 
which was grounded all upon the Acts of Parliament made 
against those that declined his majesty's authority, or main- 
tained any other jurisdiction within the realm, and upon 
the answers made to the above-written demands subscribed 
with his hand, he brake forth in those speeches : — 

" Under protestation that I do no way acknowledge this 
judgment, nor receive you that are named in that commission 
for my judges, I deny any point laid against me to be treason ; 
for if it were treason, it would be such in all places and all 
kingdoms, which you know not to be so. As to your Acts 
of Parliament, they were made by a number of partial men, 
and of matters not subject to their /oritm or judicatory, for 
which 1 will not give a rotten fig. And where I am said to 
be an enemy to tlie king's authority, 1 know not any au- 
thority he hath but what he received from his predecessors, 
who acknowledged the pope of Rome his jurisdiction. If the 
king will be to me as his predecessors were to mine,l will obey 
and acknowledge him for my king ; but if he do otherwise, 
and play the runnagate from God, as he and you all do, I 
will not acknowledge him more than this old hat." At these 
words being interrupted, and commanded to speak more 
reverently of his majesty, he said, " That he should take 
the advertisement, and not offend, but the judgment he 
would not acknowledge. And fur the reverence I do you 
to stand uncovered, I let you know it is ad redemptionem 
vexationis, not ad agnitionem judicii." 

The persons cited upon the jury being then called, and he 
desired to show if he would except against them, he said, 
" That he had but one exception against them all, which 
was, that either they were enemies to his cause, or friends : 
if enemies, they could not sit upon his trial ; and if friends, 
they ought to assist him at the bar. Only he should wish 
the gentlemen to consider well what they did, and that he 
could not be judged by them. That Avhatsoever he suf- 
fered was by way of injury and not of judgment ; and that 
he was accused of treason, but had not committed any offence, 
nor would he beg mercy." And, proceeding in this strain, " I 

VOL. ilL 15 

226 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1614. 

am," said he, " a subject as free as the king is a king ; I came 
by commandment of my superior into this kingdom, and if I 
were even now forth of it, I would return ; neither do I re- 
pent any thing, but that I have not been so busy as I should 
in that which you call perverting of subjects. I am accused 
for declining the king's authority, and will do it still in 
matter of religion, for with such matters he hath nothing to 
do ; and this which I say, the best of your ministers do main- 
tain, and if they be wise, will continue of the same mind. 
Some questions were moved to me, which I refused to 
answer, because the proposers were not judges in contro- 
versies of rchgion, and therefore I trust you cannot infer any 
thing against me," " But I hope," said the archbishop, 
" you will not make this a controversy of religion, whether 
the king being deposed by the pope may be lawfully killed." 
To this he replied, " It is a question among the doctors of 
the Church ; many hold the affirmative, not improbably ; but 
as that point is not yet determined, so if it shall be concluded, 
I will give my life in defence of it ; and to call it unlawful, I 
will not, though I should save my life by saying it." 

His speeches, the more liberty was given him, growing 
still the more intolerable, the jurors were willed to go apart, 
who, quickly returning, declared by the mouth of their 
chancellor. Sir George Elphingston, that they found him 
guilty of all the treasonable crimes contained in the indict- 
ment. Whereupon doom was pronounced, and the same day, 
in the afternoon, he was hanged in the public street of 
Glasgow, He was, as it seemed, well instructed in that 
Jesuitical doctrine of deposing and dethroniug kings, and like 
enough to have played another Ravaillac, if he had not been 
intercepted ; which was the rather believed, that, in lament- 
ing his mishap to one that he esteemed his friend, he did say, 
" That nothing grieved him so much as that he had been 
apprehended in that time, for if he had lived unto Whit- 
sunday at liberty, he should have done that which all the 
bishops and ministers of Scotland and England should never 
have helped; and to have done it, he would willingly have been 
drawn in pieces with horses, and not cared what torments he liad 
endured." But tliis did not burst forth till after his death, 

Mr James Motfat, another of the same society, being ap- 
prehended near about the same time, took a safer course ; 

A. D. 1615.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 227 

for having condemned Ogilvie's positions, he was suffered to 
depart the country, the king professing, as he ever did, 
that ho would never hang a priest for his rehgion ; only 
these polypragmatic papists, that were set upon sedition and 
to move disturbance in countries, he could not away with. 

The next spring, Mr George Gladstanes, archbishop of 
St Andrews, departed this life; a man of good learning, ready 
utterance, and great invention, but of an easy nature, and in- 
duced by those he trusted to do many things hurtful to the 
See, especially in leasing the tithes of his benefice for many 
ages to come, and for a small duty ; esteeming (which is the 
error of many churchmen) that by this mean he should 
purchase the love and friendship of men, whereas there is no 
sure friendship but that which is joined with respect ; and 
to the preserving of this, nothing conduceth more tlian a wise 
and prudent administration of the church-rents wherewith 
they are intrusted. He left behind him in writing a declara- 
tion of his judgment touching matters then controverted in 
the Church, professing that he had accepted the episcopal 
function upon good warrant, and that his conscience did never 
accuse him for any thing done that way. This he did to ob- 
viate the rumours which he foresaw would be dispersed after 
his death, either of his recantation or of some trouble of spirit 
that he was cast into (for these are the usual practices of the 
puritan sect), whereas he ended his days most piously, and to 
the great comfort of all the beholders. His corpse was in- 
terred in the south-east side of the parish church, and the 
funeral sermon preached by Mr Wilhara Cowpcr, bishop of 
Galloway, who was lately before preferred upon the decease 
of Mr Gavin Hamilton, bishop of that See ; a man for 
courage, true kindness, and zeal to the Church, never enough 

St Andrews falling thus void, divers translations were 
made in the Church ; as of the archbishop of Glasgow to St 
Andrews, the bishop of Orkney to Glasgow, the bishop of 
Dunblane to Orkney, in whose place succeeded Mr Adam 
Ballendene, rector of Falkirk. 

In the end of this year, there was at court a great busi- 
ness for trying the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury, who 
had died in the Tower some two years before. The occasion 
and secret contriving of the murder, with the strangeness 

228 THE HlSTOnY OF THE [a. d. 1615. 

of the discovery, and bis majesty's impartial proceedings 
in the trial, deserve all to be remembered. The occasion 
was Overbury's free and friendly counsels to the earl of 
Somerset for diverting him from the marriage he intended 
with Lady Frances Howard, who by a sentence of nullity 
was freed from the earl of Essex her husband. Often he 
had dissuaded Somerset, presuming upon the familiarity that 
he vouchsafed him, to forbear that lady's company, and one 
night more freely, for that he saw Somerset going on in the 
match, came unto him, and spake to this effect : " My Lord, I 
perceive you are proceeding in this match, which I have often 
dissuaded as your true servant and friend. I now advise you 
not to marry that woman, for if you do, you shall ruin your 
honour and yourself ; " adding, that if he went on in that busi- 
ness, he should do well to look to his standing. The earl 
taking his free speech more impatiently because he had 
touched the lady (with whom he was bewitched) in her 
honour, replied in passion, that his legs were strong enough 
to bear him up, and that he should make him repent those 
speeches. Thus he parted in anger at that time. 

Overbury interpreting this to be a sudden passion only, 
and not thinking that their long continued friendship would 
break off by this occasion, continued in his wonted attend- 
ance, neither did the eaid wholly abandon him ; howbeit, 
having discovered to the Lady Overbury his counsel, and the 
words he had uttered to her prejudice, she never ceased to 
inflame him against the gentleman, and by all means sought 
to practise his overthrow. It fiilling out that Overbury was 
about this time to be employed in an ambassage to Russia, 
the earl, whose counsel he asked, advised him not to embrace 
the service, but to make some fair excuse. This advice he 
followed, taking the same to proceed of kindness, and for his 
refuse was committed to the Tower. 

The lady now had him where she wished, and, meaning to 
despatch him by poison, wrought so with the lieutenant Sir 
Jervis El ways, as he did admit one Richard Weston, upon 
her recommendation, to be Overbury's keeper, by whom, the 
very evening after he was committed, a yellow poison was 
ministered unto him in a broth at supper, which provoked 
such extreme vomits and purging as it was looked he should 
not recover. But neither this nor the other poisons that 


wore continually put in his meats serving to despatch him, 
Mistress Turner, the preparer of all, procured an apothe- 
cary's boy to give him a poisoned glyster, which brought 
him to his end. Overbury thus dead, was presently buried ; 
and because of the blanes and blisters that appeared in his 
body after his death, a report was dispersed that he died of 
the French pox, which few believed ; and still the rumour 
went, according to the truth, that he was made away by 
poison. The greatness of the procurers kept all hidden for 
a time ; but God, who never suffcreth such vile acts to go 
unpunished, did bring the same to light after a miraculous 

It happened the earl of Shrewsbury, in conference with a 
councillor of estate, to recommend the lieutenant of the Tower 
to his favour, as a man of good parts, and one that desired to 
be known to him. The councillor answering, that he took it 
for a favour from the lieutenant that he should desire his 
I friendship, added withal, that there lay upon him a heavy 
imputation of Overbury 's death, whereof he wished the 
gentleman to clear himself. This related to the lieutenant. 
He was stricken a little with it, and said, that to his know- 
ledge some attempts were made against Overbury, but that 
the same took no effect ; which being told to the king, he 
willed the councillor to move the lieutenant to set down in 
writing what he knew of that matter, which he also did. 
Thereupon, certain of the council were appointed to examine 
and find out the truth. From Weston somewhat was drawn, 
whereupon he was made prisoner. Turner and Franklin, 
the preparers of the poison, being examined, confessed every 
thing ; and then all breaking forth, the earl of Somerset with 
his lady and the lieutenant were committed. 

Weston at his first arraignment stood mute, yet was in- 
duced afterwards to put himself to the trial of the country, 
and being found guilty, was hanged at Tyburn. Mistress 
Turner and James Franklin were in like sort executed. The 
lieutenant, who had winked at their doings, was judged ac- 
cessory to the crime and condemned to death, which he suf- 
fered most patiently, expressing a great penitency and 
assurance of mercy at the hands of God. 

In the May following, the earl and his lady were brought 
to their trial, which by their friends they laboured earnestly 

230 THE iiist(;ry of the [a. d. IGIG. 

to eschew ; but the king would not bo entreated, for the love 
he had to maintain justice. The judge by commission was 
Thomas Lord Ellesmere, chancellor of England, and lord 
high-steward for that time ; his assistants were. Sir Edward 
Coke, lord chief-justice of England ; Sir Henry Hobart, lord 
chief-justice of the common pleas ; Sir Laurence Tanfield, 
lord chief-baron of the exchequer ; Judge Altharne, one of the 
barons of the exchequer ; Judge Crook, Judge Doddridge, 
and Judge Haughton, judges of the king's bench, and Judge 
Nicols, one of the judges of the common pleas. 

The peers by whom they were tried were, the earl of 
Worcester, lord privy-seal ; the earl of Pembroke, chamber- 
lain ; the earls of Rutland, Sussex, Montgomery, and Hart- 
ford ; the Viscount Lisle, the Lord Zouch, warden of the 
Cinqueports ; the Lord Willoughby of Eresby ; the Lord 
Dacres, the Lord Monteagle, the Lord Wentworth, the Lord 
Rich, the Lord Willoughby of Parham, the Lord Hunsdon, 
the Lord Russel, the Lord Compton, the Lord Norris, the 
Lord Gerard, the Lord Cavendish, and the Lord Dormer. . 
With the lady there was not much ado, for she with 
many tears confessed the fact, desiring mercy. The earl, 
who was the next day presented before the judges, made 
some defences : but the confessions of those that were exe- 
cuted, and a letter he had sent to his majesty, did so clearly 
convince him of being accessory to the crime at least, that 
they were both sentenced to be taken to the Tower of London, 
and from thence to the place of execution, and hanged till 
they were dead. It was a foul and hateful fact, on the earl's 
part especially, who did betray his friend for satisfying the 
appetite of a revengeful woman ; yet by his majesty's clem- 
ency, the lives of both were afterwards spared. 

A new business was about the same time made by the 
marquis of Huntly, Some eight years before he had been 
excommunicated, and giving hopes from time to time of his 
reconcilement, did not only frustrate the same, but, break- 
ing out in open insolencies, had caused his officers discharge 
his tenants from hearing the sermons of some ministers, with 
whom he made show to be offended. Being for this called 
before the high commission, he was committed in the Castle 
of Edinburgh, and had not remained there two or three days 
when, upon the chancellor's warrant, he was put to libei'ty. 


The bishops that were in town, complaining to himself of that 
he had done, were disdainfully answered, " That he mio-ht 
enlarge without their advice any that were imprisoned by the 
high commission ;" and when it was told that the Church 
would take this ill, he said, " that he cared not what their 
Church thought of him ; " whereupon the ministers made 
great exclamationr> in the pulpits, as against one that abused 
his place and power. 

Complaints hereupon were sent from all hands to the king. 
The bishops complained of the chancellor his usurping upon 
the commission, and to this effect directed Alexander, bishop 
of Caithness, to court. The chancellor complained of the 
turbulency of the ministers, and the liberty they took to 
censure the public actions of statesmen in their sermons. 
The marquis, upon a suit he had made before his imprison- 
ment, had obtained license to come unto court, and had taken 
his journey thither. But the king, upon the clergy's com- 
plaint, sent Mr Patrick Hamilton, then waiting as secretary- 
deputy at court, to command the marquis to return and 
enter himself in the Castle of Edinburgh, for satisfying the 
high commission ; withal, he carried a letter to the council, 
sharply rebuking them for releasing the marquis, he being 
Avarded by the lords of the commission. 

The gentleman meeting the marquis at Huntingdon, within 
a day's journey of London, did use his message, who entreated 
him to go back, and show the king that he was come to 
give his majesty satisfaction in every thing he would enjoin, 
and to beseech his majesty, since he was so far on his journey, 
not to deny him his presence. The offer of satisfaction 
pleased the king well, who permitting him to come forward 
to court, directed him to the archbishop of Canterbury, 
with whom he offered to communicate. His excommunica- 
tion standing in the way, and it being contrary to the canons 
that one excommunicated by the Church should, without 
their consent who had so sentenced him, be absolved in 
another, it was a while doubted what course they should 
take. The king on the one side was desirous to win him 
home, and, on the otlier, loath to infringe the order of the 
Church ; yet inclining to have the marquis absolved, it was 
thought that the bishop of Caithness his consent, in the name 
of the clergy of Scotland, was a warrant sufficient. Thus, 

232 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. P. 161G. 

the bishop conscntinr;, the absohition was given him, in the 
chapel of Lambeth, by the archbishop of Canterbury in this 
form : — 

" Whereas the purpose and intendment of tlie whole 
Church of Christ is to win men unto God and frame their souls 
for heaven, and that there is such an agreement and corre- 
spondency betwixt the Churches of Scotland and England, that 
what the bishops and pastors in the one, without any earthly 
or worldly respect, shall accomplish to satisfy the christian 
and charitable end and desire of the other, cannot be dis- 
tasteful to either ; I therefore, finding your earnest entreaty 
to be loosed from the bond of excommunication wherewith 
you stand bound in the Church of Scotland, and well consider- 
ing the reason and cause of that censure, as also considering 
your desire, on this present day, to communicate here with 
us, for the better effecting of this work of participation of 
the holy sacrament of Christ our Saviour his blessed body 
and blood, do absolve you from the said excommunication, in 
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
Ghost ; and beseech Almighty God, that you may be so 
directed by the Holy Spirit, that you may continue in the 
truth of his Gospel unto your life's end, and then be made 
partaker of his everlasting kingdom." 

How soon it was known that the marquis was absolved by 
the archbishop of Canterbury, there were great exceptions 
taken by the Church, and the same interpreted to be a sort 
of usurpation, whereof the king being advertised in a long 
letter written to the archbishop of St Andrews, he did 
justify the doing by those reasons : " First, That in absolv- 
ing the marquis, nothing was intended to the prejudice of the 
Church of Scotland, but what was done was out of a christian 
necessity, it being needful that the marquis should be absolved 
before he was admitted to the participation of the holy sacra- 
ment. Secondly, He willed the Church to consider that his 
absolution at home was only deferred upon the scruple he 
made of the presence of our Saviom* in the sacrament, and 
that upon his confession, swearing and subscribing the other 
points of religion, they themselves had suspended his excom- 
munication, the lawfuhiess whereof he would not dispute, but 


A. D. 1616.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 233 

remit the same to the canonists, yet the suspension standing, 
it was not much from an absolution. Thirdly, That the ab- 
solution given him in England did necessarily imply an 
acknowledgment of the authority of the Church of Scotland ; 
whereas, if the archbishop of Canterbury had received him to 
the holy communion, and not first absolved him, being ex- 
communicated by the Church of Scotland, the contempt and 
neglect had been a great deal greater. Fourthly, That the 
marquis being come into England, and making offer to per- 
form whatsoever should be required of him, it was more 
fitting to take him in that disposition, than to have delayed 
it unto his return into Scotland. For these reasons, he said, 
and especially because all that was done was with a due 
acknowledgment and reservation of the power and indepen- 
dent authority of the Church of Scotland, which the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury had by his own hand testified, it was 
his pleasure, that upon the marquis his return a full form of 
absolution should be given him, or a ratification made of that 
which was done in England ; so as neither the archbishop of 
Canterbury his doing should be disapproved as unlawful, nor 
the same so approved as it might seem that the Church of 
Scotland was inferior in any sort to that of England ; and 
that the archbishop's letter written to that effect should be 
put in record, and kept as a perpetual monument for ages to 

This letter directed to the archbishop of St Andrews, I 
have thought here meet to be inserted. 

" Salutem in Christo. 
" Because I understand that a General Assembly is shortly 
to be held at Aberdeen, I cannot but esteem it an office of 
brotherly love to yield you an account of that great action 
which lately befell us here with the marquis of Huntly. So 
it was then, that upon the coming up of the said marquis, his 
majesty sharply entreating him for not giving satisfaction to 
the Church of Scotland, and for a time restraining him from 
his royal presence, the marquis resolving to give his majesty 
contentment, did voluntarily proffer to communicate when and 
wheresoever his highness should be pleased ; whereupon his 
majesty being pleased to make known that offer to me, it was 

234 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 161G. 

held fit to strike the iron whilst it was hot, and that this 
great work should he accomphshed hefore his majesty's going 
to progress ; whereiinto a good opportunity was offered by 
the consecration of the bishop of Ciiester, which was to be in 
my chapel of Lambeth the seventh of this month, at which 
time a solemn communion was there to be celebrated. 

" The only pause was, that the marquis being excommuni- 
cated by the Church of Scotland, there was in appearance 
some difficulty how he might be absolved in the Church of 
England ; wherewith his majesty being made acquainted, 
who wished that it should not be deferred, we grew to this 
peaceable resolution, which I doubt not your lordship and the 
rest of our brethren there will interpret to the best. For, 
first, what was to be performed might be adventured upon, as 
we esteemed, out of a brotherly correspondency and unity of 
affection, and not only of any authority ; for we well know, 
that as the kingdom of Scotland is a free and absolute 
monarchy, so the Church of Scotland is entire in itself, and 
independent upon any other Church. Secondly, we find by 
the advice of divers doctors of the civil law, and men best ex- 
perienced in things of this nature, that the course of ecclesi- 
astical proceedings would fairly permit that we might receive 
to our communion a man excommunicated in another church, 
if the said person did declare that he had a purpose hereafter 
for some time to reside among us, which the lord marquis did 
openly profess that he intended, and I know his majesty 
doth desire it ; and for my part, I rest satisfied that it can 
bring no prejudice, but rather contentment, unto you and 
to that kingdom. Thirdly, it pleased God the night be- 
fore the celebration of the sacrament to send in our brother, 
the bishop of Caithness, with whom I taking counsel, hisj 
lordship resolved me, that it was my best way to absolve thei 
lord marquis, and assured me that it would be well taken by| 
the bishops and pastors of the Church of Scotland. I leave! 
the report of this to my Lord Caithness himself, who was an j 
eye-witness with what reverence the marquis did participate] 
of that holy sacrament. For all other circumstances, I doubtl 
not but you shall be certified of them from his majesty,] 
whose gracious and princely desire is, that this bruised rcedj 
should not be broken, but that so great a personage (whosej 
example may do much good) should be cherished and com- 

A. D. 1G16.] CHURCH or SCOTI.AND. 235 

forted in his coining forward to God ; which I for my part 
do hope and firmly bcHeve that you all will endeavour, ac- 
cording to the wisdom and prudence which Almighty God 
hath given unto you. And thus, as your lordship hath ever 
been desirous that I should give you the best assistance I 
could with his majesty for the reducing or restraining this 
nobleman, so you see I have done it with the best discretion 
I could ; which I doubt not but all our brethren with you 
will take as proceeding from my desire to serve God and his 
majesty, and the whole Church of Scotland. I send you 
herewith the form which I used in absolving the lord 
marquis in the presence of the lord primate of Ireland, the 
lord bishop of London, and divers others. And so beseech- 
ing the blessing of God upon you all, that in your Assembly 
with unity of spirit you may proceed, to the honour of Christ 
and to the beating down of antichrist and popery, I leave 
you to the Almighty. 

" From my house of Croyden, July 23, 1616." 

This letter being showed to the clergy and others that 
were offended with the absolution of the marquis, gave them 
content ; yet was it resolved that the marquis (who then was 
returned from court) should present a supplication to the 
General Assembly which was to meet at Aberdeen the 
thirteenth of August, acknowledging his offence in despising 
the admonitions of the Church, and promising to continue in 
the profession of the truth, and make his children to be 
educated in the same ; and that upon his supplication he 
should be of new absolved according to the form used in the 
Church of Scotland. This was very solemnly performed the 
first day of the Assembly, the carl of Montrose being then 
commissioner for his majesty. 

In the Assembly it was ordained, " That forasmuch as his 
majesty had by proclamation recalled such as Avere gone 
forth of the country to be educated in the colleges of Jesuits 
or other popish universities within the space of a year, upon 
pain to be declared incapable of succession either to goods or 
lands, a trial and exact search should be made of all those 
that were sent or gone into foreign parts within these last 
ten years ; and that every minister should send a partic- 
ular note unto his ordinary of those within his parish that 

236 THE IIISTOnY OF THE [a. d. 1616. 

were gone to follow their studies in places abroad, with their 
age, profession, and families wliereunto they appertained, to 
the end they may be known, and the dangers prevented 
wherewith their corrupt education did threaten the Church." 

It was likewise enacted, " That no man should be permitted 
to practise or profess any physic, unless he had first satis- 
fied the bishop of the diocese touching his religion : That a 
liturgy or book of common prayer should be formed for the 
use of the Church : That the Acts of the General Assemblies 
should be collected and put in form, to serve for canons to 
the Church in their ministration of discipline : That children 
should be carefully catechized and confirmed by the bishops, 
or, in their absence, by such as were employed in the visita- 
tion of churches : That grammar-schools should be estab- 
lished in all parishes where the same might be conveniently 
done : And that a register should be kept of baptisms, 
marriages, and burials by the minister of every parish." 

These Acts being put in form, were ordained to be pre- 
sented to his majesty by the archbishop of Glasgow and 
bishop of Ross, who were sent from the Assembly to entreat 
liis majesty's confirmation of the things concluded. 

By the answer returned with them, his majesty's good 
liking of all that had proceeded in the Assembly was under- 
stood ; only against the act of confirming young children by 
bishops he excepted, saying it was a mere hotch-potch, and 
not so clear as was requisite ; and therefore directed the 
same to be reformed, and among the canons of the Church 
the articles following to be inserted. 

1. That for the more reverent receiving of the holy com- 
munion, the same should be celebrated to the people there- 
after kneeling and not sitting, as had been the custom since 
the reformation of religion. 

2. If any good Christian visited with sickness, which was 
taken to be deadly, should desire to receive the communion 
at home in his house, the same should not be denied to him, 
lawful warning being given to the minister the night before ; 
and three or four of oood religion and conversation beinjj 
present to communicate with the sick person, who must pro- 
vide for a convenient place, and all things necessary for the 
reverent administration of the blessed sacrament. 

A. 1). 1616.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 237 

3. That the sacrament of baptism should not be longer 
deferred than the next Sunday after the child is born, unless 
some great and reasonable cause, declared and approved by 
the minister, do require the same. And that in the case of 
necessity, tried and known to the minister, it should be law- 
ful to administrate baptism in private houses, the same being 
always ministered after the form it would have been in the 
congregation, and public declaration thereof made the next 
Sunday in the church, to the end the child might be known 
to have been received into the flock of Christ's fold. 

4. Seeing the inestimable benefits received from God by 
our Lord Jesus Christ his birth, passion, resurrection, as- 
cension, and sending down of the Holy Ghost, have been 
commendably remembered at certain particular days and 
times by the whole Church of the world ; every minister 
from thenceforth should keep a commemoration of the said 
benefits upon these days, and make choice of several and per- 
tinent texts of scripture, and frame their doctrine and ex- 
hortations thereto, rebuking all superstitious observation and 
licentious profaning of the said times. 

5. The act of confirmation of children, his majesty desired 
to be reformed in this manner. Seeing the confirmation of 
children is for the good education of youth most necessary, 
being reduced to the primitive integrity, it is thought good 
that the minister in every parish shall catechize all young 
children of eight years of age, and see that they have know- 
ledge, and be able to rehearse the Lord's Prayer, the Behef, 
and Ten Commandments, with answers to the questions 
of the small catechism used in the Church, and that the 
bishops in their visitations shall cause the children be 
presented before them, and bless them with prayer for the 
increase of grace, and continuance of God his heavenly gifts 
with them. 

The difficulty of admitting these articles being represented 
in a humble letter to his majesty by the archbishop of St 
Andrews, and a reason given why the same could not be in- 
serted with the canons, as having at no time been motioned 
to the Church, nor proponed in any of their meetings, he was 
(pleased to forbear the pressing of the same for that time, 
thinking at his coming into Scotland, which he intended the 

238 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1610. 

next summer, to satisfy such as were scrupulous, and to ob- 
tain the Ciiurch's consent. 

Shortly after a letter was sent to the council, " To assure 
them of the king's resolution to visit the kingdom, which he 
said did proceed of a longing he had to return to the place of 
his breeding, a salmon-like instinct (as ho was pleased to call 
it) ; and because he knew that evil-disposed persons would 
disperse rumours as if he came to make alterations in the 
civil and ecclesiastical estate, he commanded a proclamation 
to be made for certifying the subjects of the contrary. It 
was true, he said, that he desired to do some good at his 
coming, and to have abuses reformed botli in the church and 
commonwealth ; yet foreseeing the impediments that his good 
intentions would meet with, and regarding the love of his 
people no less then their benefit, he would be loath to give 
them any discontent ; and therefore willed all his good sub- 
jects to lay aside their jealousies, and accommodate them- 
selves in the best sort they could for his receiving, and the 
entertainment of the noblemen of England who were to ac- 
company him in the journey." 

The eai-1 of Mar was at this time made treasurer, and 
Sir Gideon Murray continued in his deputation. A motion 
had been made a little before for appointing a commissioner 
or deputy in the kingdom, which was hearkened unto by the 
king as that which would ease him of many vexations, and in 
his absence maintain a face of court, and breed a great re- 
spect among the people ; and so far was that purpose ad- 
vanced, as both the king had made offer of the place to the 
earl of Mar, and he yielded to accept the same. But 
this breaking out and coming to the chancellor's knowledge, 
whether that he desired not to have any in place above him- 
self, or, as he pretended, wishing the nobleman's good, he 
diverted him from accepting that charge, and brought him to 
embrace the office of treasurer as the most profitable, and 
that which should bring with it a less envy. Sir Gideon had 
the intromission of all, as when Somerset was in place, and 
did provide things so carefully and with such foresight, as 
Avhen the king came, he found nothing lacking that was re- 
quired for a royal and princely entertainment. 

Among other directions sent from the king, one was for 
repairing of the chapel, and some English carpenters were 

A. D. 1617.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 239 

employed, who brought -with them the portraits of the 
apostles to be set in the pews or stalls. As they Avere pro- 
ceeding in their work, a foolish and idle rumour went, that 
images were to be set up in the chapel ; and, as people arc 
given to speak the worst, it was current among them, that 
the organs came first, now the images, and ere long they 
should have the mass. The bishop of Galloway, then dean 
of the chapel, moved with these speeches, did pen a letter to 
the king, entreating his majesty " for the offence that was 
taken to stay the affixing of these portraits." To this letter 
he procured the subscriptions of the archbishop of St 
Andrews, the bishops of Aberdeen and Brechin, and divers 
of the ministers of Edinburgh. 

The answer returned by the king was full of anger, ob- 
jecting ignorance unto them that could not distinguish be- 
twixt pictures intended for ornament and decoration, and 
images erected for worship and adoration ; and resembling 
them to the constable of Castile, who being sent to swear the 
peace concluded with Spain, when he understood the business 
was to be performed in the chapel where some anthems were 
to be sung, desired " that whatsoever was sung, God's name 
might not be used in it, and that being forborne, he was con- 
tent they should sing what they listed ; just so," said the king, 
" you can endure lions, dragons, and devils to be ligured in 
your churches, but will not allow the like place to the patri- 
archs and apostles." His majesty always gave order for some 
other form, and staying the erecting of these portraits ; 
which in the same letter he said " was not done for ease of 
their hearts, or confirming them in their error, but because 
the work could not be done so quickly in that kind as was 
first appointed." This letter was of the date at Whitehall, 
the thirteenth of March 1617. 

The king was much laboured to defer his journey to the 
next year, whcnas he should find things better prepared ; 
but he refusing to hearken to any such motion, made the 
greater haste, and in the beginning of May came to Berwick, 
where he was met with divers of the council, and by their 
advice, the parhament which had been indicted to the 
seventeenth of May was prorogued to the thirteenth of June. 
All that time which intervened, the king spent in a progress 
through the country, making his entry in the special burghs 

240 THE HISTOUY OF THE [a. D. 1617. 

after a most royal manner, and welcomed with all the ex- 
pressions of joy that could be devised. 

At the day appointed, the Estates were frequently 
assembled, where his majesty had a long speech for the 
establishing religion and justice, neither of which, he said, 
could be looked for so long as a regard was not had to the 
ministers of both. " For rchgion, he complained, that notwith- 
standing of the long profession of the truth, numbers of 
churches remained unplanted, and of those that were planted 
few or none had any competent maintenance ; for this he 
wished some course to be taken, and certain commissioners to 
be chosen for appointing to every church a perpetual local 
stipend, such as might suffice to entertain a minister, and make 
him able to attend on his charge. Of justice he discoursed 
long, remembering the pains ho had taken as well when he 
lived among them as since his going into England, and how he 
had placed justices and constables (a most laudable kind of 
government) for the preserving of peace and the keeping of 
the laws in due regard, which he understood, as he said, to bo 
much neglected, partly in default of some that were named 
to those places and held it a scorn to be employed in such a 
charge, and partly by the opposition which the lords and 
great men of the country made unto them, and to their 
setthng. But he would have both the one and the other to 
know, that as it was a place of no small honour to be a 
minister of the king's justice in the service of the common- 
wealth, so he did esteem none to deserve better at his hands 
than they who gave countenance thereto ; as, on the other 
part, whosoever should show themselves hinderers thereof 
should be accounted with him enemies to his crown and the 
quiet of the kingdom. In end, be said, that he had long 
striven to have the barbarities of the country, which they 
knew to be too many, removed and extinct, and in place 
thereof civihty and justice established ; and that he would 
still endeavour to do his best that way, till he might say of 
Scotland as one of the emperors said of Rome, " inveni laUr- 
itiam, relinquo marmoreavx." 

The king having closed and the lords gone apart to choose 
those that should be upon the Articles, the humours of some 
discontented lords began to kithe ; for whosoever were by 
the king recommended as fit persons, were passed by as men 


A. D. 1617.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 241 

suspected, and otliers named who stood worse aifected to his 
majesty's service. Another question they made for admit- 
ting the officers of state, refusing to admit any but the 
chancellor, treasurer, secretary, and clerk of the rolls. This 
being long and sharply debated, was in end agreed by the 
admission of the whole number. 

Among the Articles proponed, the first was, of his 
majesty's authority in causes ecclesiastical ; concerning which 
it was desired to be enacted, " That whatsoever conclusion 
was taken by his majesty with advice of the archbishops and 
bishops in matters of external policy, the same should have 
the power and strength of an ecclesiastical law." The bishops 
interceding did humbly entreat that the article might be 
better considered, for that m making of ecclesiastical laws, 
the advice and consent of presbyters was also required. The 
king replying, " That he was not against the taking of minis- 
ters their advice, and that a competent number of the most 
grave and learned among them should be called to assist the 
bishops ; but to have matters ruled as they have been in 
your General Assemblies I will never agree, for the bishops 
must rule the ministers, and the king rule both, in matters 
indifferent and not repugnant to the Word of God." So the 
article passed in this form, " That whatsoever his majesty 
should determine in the external government of the Church, 
with the advice of the archbishops, bishops, and a competent 
number of the ministry, should have the strength of a law." 

This coming to the ministers' ears, they began to stir as if 
the whole rites and ceremonies of England were to be 
brought upon them without their consents ; whereupon the 
ministers that were in town were called together and warned 
to be quiet, for that such a general act did not lay upon them 
any bond ; and if any particular was urged, the same should 
be communicated to them, and nothing concluded without 
their consents. It was farther told them, that there would 
not be wanting informations enough to stir them up unto 
uuquietness, but that they should do well not to irritate his 
majesty, whom they knew to be a gracious prince, and one 
that would hear reason, and give way to the same. This 
they did all promise ; yet, upon the suggestion of some dis- 
contented people, the very next day, Mr William Struthers, 
one of the ministers of Edinburgh, did unhappily break out 

VOL. III. 16 

242 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1G17. 

in his sermon upon these matters, condemning the rites re- 
ceived in the Church of England, and praying God to save 
Scotland from the same. This reported to the king by some 
of the English doctors that were his hearers, he became 
greatly incensed. But the ministers, not contented with this, 
did the same day in the afternoon tumultuously convene and 
form a protestation in the words following : — 

" J.Iost gracious and dread Sovereign, most honourable 
Lords and remanent Commissioners of this present Parlia- 
ment, we the ministers of Christ's evangel, being here con- 
vened from all the parts of this your majesty's kingdom, do 
in all reverence and submission entreat your majesty's and 
honour's patient and favourable hearing of this our reasonable 
and humble supplication. And first it will please your high- 
ness and honourable Estates presently convened to be in- 
formed, that we are here a number of the ministry out of 
all the parts of the kingdom, and that the bishops have 
protested to a great many of us since our coming, that 
nothing should be agreed nor consented unto by them in this 
present parliament, in matters concerning the discipline and 
order of the Church, without our knowledge and advice, 
affirming that neither we nor they have any power to 
consent to any novation or smallest change of the order 
estabhshed, without the advice of the General Assembly ; 
whereupon we resting in security, have received a sudden 
report of an article to pass for a law in this parliament, 
decerning and declaring that your majesty, Avitli the advice 
of the archbishops and bishops, and such a competent number 
of the ministry as your majesty out of your wisdom should 
think expedient, shall in all time coming have full power to 
advise and conclude all matters of decency, and wdiich any 
way may concern the policy of the Church, and that such 
conclusions shall have the strength and power of laws 
ecclesiastical ; wherein it will please your majesty and 
honourable Estates to hear our just griefs, and to consider 
our reasonable desires, and not to put us, your majesty's 
humble subjects, to that poor and simple part of protestation, 
which, if remedy be not provided, we shall be forced to use, 
fur the freedom of our Church and discharge of our con- 

A. D. 1617.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 243 

" We then first plead our reformation, and that the purity 
of our Church iu doctrine, ministration of the sacraments, 
discipline and all convenient order, with the host reformed 
churches in Europe, hath been acknowledged rather as a 
pattern to be followed of others, than that we should seek 
our reformation from those that never attained to that per- 
fection which we, by the mercy of God, this long time past 
have enjoyed under your highness's protection. 

" Next we plead the hberty of our Church, which, by the 
laws of your majesty's kingdom and divers Acts of Parlia- 
ment, is established with power of public meetings and 
annual assemblies, and allowance to make canons and consti- 
tutions, such as may serve for the comely order thereof; all 
which by this conclusion that is intended will be utterly over- 

" Thirdly, we plead for the peace and tranquiUity of our 
Church, that, being nearest the divine and apostolical insti- 
tution, hath lived without schism and rent in itself, and by 
introduction of any novelty against order may be miserably 
divided, aud so our peace broken. 

" Fourthly, we have been at divers times sufficiently 
secured from all suspicions of innovation, and specially by 
your majesty's letter sent down this last winter, to take 
away all fear of any alteration which might arise upon your 
majesty's lovingly-intended journey ; which letter, by your 
majesty's special will and direction of your highness's council, 
was intimated in pulpits ; as also by that proclamation given 
out the twenty -sixth of September 1616, when rumours of an 
intended conformity with the Church of England were dis- 
persed, whereby your majesty sufficiently avoided all such 
suspicion, and settled the hearts of honest men in a confidence 
that no such thing should be attempted. 

" These and many other reasons have moved us in all 
reverence, by this our humble supplication, to entreat your 
highness and honourable Estates, not to suffer the afore- 
named article, or any other prejudicial to our former 
liberties, to pass at this time, to the grief of this poor Church ; 
that the universal hope of thousands in this land, who re- 
joiced at your majesty's happy arrival, be not turned into 
mourning ; wherein as we are earnest supplicants to God to 
incline your majesty's heart this way, as the most expedient 

244 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1617 

for the honour of God and weal of your subjects, so if we 
shall be frustrated of this our reasonable desire, then do we in 
all humility (with that dutiful acknowledgment of our loyalty 
to your majesty as becometh) protest for ourselves and all 
our brethren that shall adhere to this our protestation, that 
as we are free of the same, so must we be forced rather to 
incur the censure of your majesty's law, than to admit or 
obtemper any imposition that shall not flow from the Church 
orderly convened, or others having power from the same." 

This protestation was subscribed by Mr Archibald Simp- 
son, minister at Dalkeith, in name of the brethren and 
supplicants. In another paper, the ministers who were 
present set down their names each of them with his own 
hand, for a testimony of their concurrence, which was com- 
mitted to the said Mr Archibald in custody. But as it 
falleth out in things unadvisedly done, and in the heat of 
humour, the principals in that business, quickly forethinking 
that which they had done, came the next morning eai'ly to 
the archbishop of St Andrews, entreating him to stop the 
presenting thereof, which they showed he might easily do, 
by taking the same from Mr Peter Hewet, in whose hands 
it was given to present. 

This man, being one of the ministers of Edinburgh, had 
lately before been preferred to the abbacy of Crossraguel, 
and having thereby a place in the Parliament House, was 
held the most fitting to present the protestation, which he 
willingly undertook ; for he loved ever to be meddling, and 
was always set to make trouble. The parliament was that 
day to close, and the archbishop knowing how ill the king 
would take their doing, went the more timely to the palace : 
where meeting with the abbot, he asked him concerning the 
protestation, desiring to see it ; and having perused a few 
lines, began to rebuke him for taking in hand such a busi- 
ness. He making some excuse, and saying, it was a protesta- 
tion only which could not offend, put forth his hand to take 
back the paper ; but the archbishop holding it fast, the 
protestation was nearly rent betwixt them. It happened one 
of the grooms (called John Livingston) to see them at strife, 
for they had met in the private gallery near to his majesty's 
chamber, who showing the king what he had seen, his 


A. D, 1617.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 245 

majesty came forth, being as yet uDdresscd, and asked what 
the matter was. The archbishop answered, " That a num- 
ber of ministers having fi-amed a protestation against the 
article of his majesty's prerogative, had given it to the man 
that he had made abbot to present, and that he had under- 
taken to do the same ; for which he had been chiding him, 
it being an un dutiful part in him, without once signifying 
the matter to his ordinary, to take such a business in hand." 

The man falling upon his knees and trembhng, said, 
" That he supposed the protestation would never offend his 
majesty, aud that he had promised to present the same in 
parliament ; but now that it appeared to him otherwise, he 
would no more meddle therewith." 

The king taking the protestation and perceiving it sub- 
scribed by one only minister, inquired who those others 
were that convened. The abbot answered that they had all 
signed a paper besides, which the subscriber kept by him for 
his warrant. Then the king, commanding the bishop to keep 
the protestation, went to prepare himself for the meeting, 
and suspecting that some other might come and protest 
against the article, commanded the Register, Sir George 
Hay (who, upon the death of Sir Alexander Hay, had been 
preferred to the office the year before), to pass by that 
article as a thing no way necessary, the prerogative of his 
crown bearing him to more than was declared by it. Thus, 
■when the hour of meeting came, the Register, as he was com- 
mauded, laying by that article, caused read the others that 
were concluded, as the custom is, and the same being assented 
to by the Estates, were ratified by his majesty. Thereafter, 
the king in a most grave speech, having commended the 
execution of the laws made to the Judges and other inferior 
magistrates, gave the Estates a most kind and loving fare- 

The same night the bishops had warning given them 
to meet his majesty at St Andrews the tenth of July, 
whither he minded to call the principal ministers also, that 
they might know his mind before he went away. The diet 
held as was appointed, and there assembled with the bishops 
the ministers of chief account, to the number of thii'tj^-six, 
who being convened in the chapel of the castle, the king did 
speak to them to this purpose : — 

246 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1617. 

" What and how great my care hath been for this Church, 
as well before as since ray going into England, is so well 
known to you all, a.s I neither need, nor do I mean to speak 
much of it, lest any should think I am seeking thanks for 
that I have done. It sufficeth me that God knows my in- 
tention is, and ever was, to have his true worship maintained, 
and a decent and comely order established in the Church. 
But of you I must complain, and of your causeless jealousies, 
even when my meaning towards you is best. Before my 
coming home to visit this kingdom, being advertised that in 
your last Assembly an act was made for gathering the canons 
of the Church, and putting them in form, I desired a few 
articles to be inserted ; one was for the yearly commemora- 
tion of our Saviour his greatest blessings bestowed upon 
mankind, as his nativity, passion, resurrection, ascension, and 
the descent of the Holy Spirit ; another for the private 
use of both sacraments in urgent and necessary cases; a 
third for the reverent administration of his holy supper ; and 
a fourth for catechizing and confirming young children by 
bishops. It was answered, that these particulars had not 
been moved in any of the Church Assemblies, and so could not 
be inserted with the rest ; which excuse I admitted, and was 
not minded to press them any more till you, after advice, did 
give your consent thereto ; yet when in the late parliament 
I desired my prerogative to be declared in the making of the 
ecclesiastical laws, certain of your number did mutinously 
assemble themselves, and form a protestation to cross my 
just desire. But I will pass that amongst many other wrongs 
I have received at your hands. The errand for which I 
have now called you is, to hear what your scruples are in 
these points, and the reasons, if any you have, why the 
same ought not to be admitted. I mean not to do any 
thing against reason ; and, on the other part, my demands 
being just and religious, you must not think that I will be 
refused or resisted. It is a power innated, and a special 
prerogative which we that are Christian kings have, to order 
and dispose of external things in the policy of the Church, 
as we by advice of our bishops shall find most fitting ; and 
for your approving or disapproving, deceive not yourselves, 
I will never regard it, unless you bring me a reason which 1 
cannot answer." 


The ministers, at these words, fixlling on their knees, did 
beseech his majesty to think of them as his most humble and 
obedient subjects, and to permit them to confer a little space 
among themselves, that they might return with an uniform 
answer. This granted, they went to the parish church, and 
after some two hours returned, making petition for a General 
Assembly, wherein these articles being proponed might be 
with a common consent received. The king asking " what 
assurance he might have of their consenting," they answered, 
" that they found no reason to the contrary, and knew the 
Assembly would yield to any reasonable thing demanded by 
his majesty." " But if it fall out otherwise," said the king, 
" and that the articles be refused, my difficulty shall bo 
greater, and when I shall use my authority in establishing 
them, they shall call me a tyrant and persecutor." All 
crying that none could be so mad as to speak so, " Yet ex- 
perience," says the king, " tells me it may be so ; therefore 
unless I be made sure, I will not give way to an Assembly." 
Mr Patrick Galloway saying, that the bishop of St Andrews 
should assure for them, the bishop refused, for that he had 
been deceived by them, they having against their promise in 
the time of parliament taken the course which they did. 
Then said Mr Patrick, " If your majesty will trust me, I 
will assure for the ministers." The king replying that he 
would trust him, it was condescended that an Assembly 
should be called for that end, at St Andrews, the twenty- 
fifth of November next. 

Mr Archibald Simpson, the subscriber of the protestation, 
had been called to this meeting, but falling sick by the way, 
he excused himself by a letter, and therein was earnest to 
have the brethren oppose the articles, which he called tricas 
Anglicanas, using some other disdainful words. The letter 
being showed to the king, he asked for the bearer. This 
was Mr David Calderwood, who, carrying himself unreve- 
rently, and breaking forth into speeches not becoming a sub- 
ject, was committed in the town-house of St Andrews, and 
afterwards banished the kingdom. Simpson for his letter 
was warded in the castle of Edinbui-gh, where he remained 
unto December following. 

The king after this, taking his journey to London by the 
west parts, was all the Avay through Scotland royally enter- 

248 THE IllS'iOIlY OF THE [a. d. 1G17. 

tained, and at Dumfries had a farewell sermon preached by 
the bishop of Galloway, which made the hearers to burst 
out in many tears. 

When the diet of the Assembly came, the earl of Had- 
dington and viscount of Stormont were sent thither as com- 
missioners from his majesty. The archbishop made the ex- 
hortation, " wherein having deduced the story of the Church 
from the time of- Reformation, he showed that the greatest 
hindrance the Church received proceeded from the ministers 
themselves, who for the pleasure of ill-disposed i)cople spared 
not to provoke his majesty to just anger, exhorting them for 
the glory of God, the honour of the gospel and their own 
good, to take another com'se, and prefer the favour of their 
king, under whom they enjoyed so many blessings, to the 
vain applause of factious persons." 

It seemed at first that matters should have gone well. 
For the first two days there was much calmness, and the 
reasoning very formal and free ; but then upon a motion 
to delay the conclusion to another Assembly, that the minis- 
ters might have time to inform the people of the equity of 
the articles, the greater part went that way, and almost all 
cried for a delaj'. 

His majesty's commissioners declaring that the king would 
take in ill part the delay, and that nothing should be done, 
considering the promises they had made, if a General Assem- 
bly should be granted, to receive the whole articles, a fashion 
Avas made of condescending to private communion, and the 
ministers ordained to give the elements in the ministration of 
the holy supper out of their own hands to the people ; which 
two acts, with a letter of excuse for the continuance of the 
rest, were sent to his majesty. How the same was accepted 
may appear by the answer that came a few days after, which 
was this : — 

" We have received your letter, and thereby understand 
what your proceedings have been in that Assembly of St 
Andrews ; concerning which we will have you know, that 
we are come to that age as we will not be content to be fed 
with broth, as one of your coat was wont to speak, and think 
this your doing a disgrace no less than the protestation it- 
self. Wherefore it is our pleasure, and we command you, 
as you will avoid our high displeasure, the one of you by 

A. D. 1()17.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 249 

your deputy in St Andrews, and by yourself in Edinburgh, and 
the other of you in Glasgow, keep Christmas-day precisely, 
yourselves preaching, and choosing your texts according to the 
time. And likewise, that ye discharge all modification of sti- 
pends for this year to any minister whatsoever, such excepted 
as have testified their affection to our service at this time, by 
farthering at their power the acceptation of the articles pro- 
posed ; and in the premises willing you not to fail, we bid 
you farewell. — Newmarket, the sixth of December, 1617." 

In a postscript to the same letter, it was said — " So many 
bishops as you can get warned in time to preach at their sees 
on Christmas-day, urge them to it. Thus much in haste for 
this time ; after two or three days ye shall hear further from 
us." With his majesty's own hand, after all, was written — 
" Since your Scottish Church hath so far contemned my cle- 
mency, they shall now find what it is to draw the anger of 
a king upon them." 

This letter was directed to the archbishops of St Andrews 
and Glasgow. The other which followeth to St Andrews 
him alone. 

" After we had commanded the despatch of our other let- 
ter, we received an extract concluded (we know not how) in 
your Assembly, and subscribed by the clerk thereof; the 
one concerning private communion, and the otlier touching 
the form to be used at the receiving of the holy sacrament ; 
both so hedged, and conceived in so ridiculous a manner, as 
besides tliat, of the whole articles proponed, these two were 
the least necessary to have been urged and hastened, the 
scornful condition and form of their grant makes us justly wish 
that they had been refused with the rest. For in the first 
place, concerning the communion allowed to sick persons, be- 
sides the number required to receive with such patients, and 
a necessity tying them upon oath to declare that they truly 
think not to recover, but to die of that disease, they are yet 
farther hedged in with a necessity to receive the sacrament 
(in case aforesaid to be ministered unto them) in a convenient 
room ; which what it importeth we cannot guess, seeing no 
room can be so convenient for a sick man (sworn to die) as 
his bed, and that it were injurious and inhumane from thence 
in any case to transport him, were the room never so neat 
and handsome to which they should carry him. 

250 THE HISTOUY OF THE [a. d. 1617. 

" And as to that other Act, ordaining the minister himself 
to give the elements, in the celebration, out of his own hand to 
every one of the communicants, and that he may perform 
this the more commodiously, by the advice of the magistrates 
and honest men of his session, to prepare a table at which 
the same may be conveniently ministered ; truly in this we 
must say that the minister's ease and commodious sitting on 
his tail hath been more looked to than that kneeling which, 
for reverence, we directly required to be enjoined to the 
receivers of so divine a sacrament ; neither can we conceive 
what should be meant by that table, unless they mean to make 
a round table (as did the Jews) to sit and receive it. In con- 
clusion, seeing either we and this Church here must be held 
idolatrous in this point of kneeling, or they reputed rebel- 
lious knaves in refusing the same, and that the two fore- 
said acts are conceived so scornfully, and so far from our 
meaning, it is our pleasure that the same be altogether sup- 
pressed, and that no effect follow thereupon. So we bid you 
farewell. — Neiuinarket, the 11th of December, 1617." 

These letters were accompanied with another to the coun- 
cil, for " inhibiting the payment of stipends to any of the 
rebellious ministers refusers of the said articles either in 
burgh or landward, till they did show their conformity, and 
that the same was testified by the subscriptions of the pri- 
mate or ordinary bishop." Wliich letters being showed to 
the ministers of Edinburgh, and others that happened to re- 
pair to that city for augmentation of stipends, did cast them 
into a great fear ; and repenting their wilfulness, as they had 
reason, became requesters to the archbishop of St Andrews 
to preach as he was commanded on Christmas-day at Edin- 
burgh, trusting his majesty should be mitigated by his obe- 
dience and intercession for the rest. Neither did he fail to 
use his best means for diverting the king from these rigorous 
courses, and after a little time (so loath was his majesty to 
exerce any rigour against ministers) obtained a warrant 
for staying the execution of the former letters, till their be- 
haviour should be tried in the particular synods, and their 
disposition for accepting the articles. 

. Mr Archibald Simpson, who all this while remained pris- 
oner in the castle of Edinburgh, hearing that the king was 
so greatly displeased, did supplicate the lords of his majesty's 

A. D. 1618.] CHUUCH or SCOTLAND, 251 

commission (by whose command ho was committed) for 
liberty, " promising not to fall again in the like errors, and 
professing a great sorrow for his meddling with the protes- 
tation ; as likewise for writing that letter wherein he had 
taxed the Church of England." Being brought before the 
commission, after he had set his hand to his supplication, he 
was permitted to return to his charge at Dalkeith. Yet ere 
many days passed, finding the countenances of the holy breth- 
ren cast down upon him, he dispersed an apologetic (as he 
entitled it), wherein, making a gloss upon every word of his 
confession, he concluded, " that whatsoever weakness or 
frailty had befallen him, he hoped to be like Peter, qui ore 
7iegavit, et corde confessus est, and never to betray the Lord's 
cause with Judas." This I have remembered by the way, 
to make the humours of these men seen, and the small re- 
gard they take of saying and gainsaying, when it maketh 
for their purpose. 

But to proceed. The bishops, upon advertisement given 
them, convened at Edinburgh the twenty -ninth of January, 
and considering the hurt that the Church might receive 
if the commission granted in parliament for provision of 
ministers (which was to expire at Lammas next) should 
take no effect, did by a common letter entreat his majesty 
for a warrant to proceed in that commission, giving hopes 
that, in their synods, they should induce the ministers to 

The answer returned in February next was to this effect : 
— " That howbeit his majesty did interpret well their doings, 
as intended for the good of his service ; yet, considering the 
obstinate resistance of the ministers to all his just and reli- 
gious desires, he could not expect any thing from them in 
their meetings but a farther expression of their former mis- 
behaviour. Not the less as he had once already, upon the 
archbishop of St Andrews his entreaty, suspended the exe- 
cution of his last directions, so at their requests he was 
pleased that the commissioners for stipends should meet and 
go on with the providing of churches, they, in the meantune, 
in their own persons and in their own cathedrals, observing 
the festivities that should intervene betu-ixt and the synods, 
and ministering the holy communion with the reverence re- 
quired, at the feast of Easter next." Thus were matters 

252 THH iiisTouy OF THE [a. u. IGIS. 

pacified for that time, and the commission for augmentation 
of stipends by the warrant of this letter put in practice. 

INIost of tlie next summer was spent in that work, but witli 
greater detriment than benefit to the Church; for what 
augmentation soever was granted, the same was recompensed 
to the givers by prorogation of their former leases for num- 
bers of years, and thei-eby the Church more damnified than 

In the synods all things were carried with reasonable quiet- 
ness, so as, upon the bishop's humble request, license was 
granted for meeting in a General Assembly, and the same 
indicted at Perth the tv« cnty-fifth of August. The Lords 
Haddington, Carnegy, and Scone, were commissioners in 
this Assembly for the king, who, upon the end of the sermon, 
presented his majesty's letter, conceived as followeth : — 

" We were once fully resolved never in our time to have 
called any more Assemblies there for ordering things con- 
cerning the policy of the Church, by reason of the dis- 
grace offered unto us in that late meeting at St Andrews, 
wherein our just and godly desires were not only neglected, 
but some of the articles concluded in that scornful manner, as 
we wish they had been refused with the rest ; yet at this 
time we have sufi"ered ourselves to be entreated by you our 
bishops for a new convocation, and have called you together 
who are now convened for the self-same business v.hich then 
was urged, hoping assuredly that you will have some better 
regard to our desires, and not permit the unruly and igno- 
rant multitude, after their wonted custom, to oversway the 
better and more judicious sort ; an evil which we have gone 
about with much pains to have had amended in these Assem- 
blies ; and for that purpose, according to God's ordinance 
and the constant practice of all well-governed churches, we 
have placed you that are bishops and overseers of the rest, 
in the chiefest rooms. You plead much, we perceive, to 
have tilings done by consent of the ministers, and tell us 
often, that what conccrneth the Church in general should be 
concluded by the advice of the whole ; neither do we alto- 
gether dislike your opinion, for the greater is your consent 
the better are wc contented. But we will not have you to 
think, that matters proponed by us of the nature whereof 

A. 1). 1G18.] OIIUUCH OF SCOTLAND. 253 

these articles are, may not without such a general consent be 
enjoined by our authority. 

" This were a mis-knowing of your places, and withal a 
disclaiming of that innate power which we have by our call- 
ing from God, whereby we have place to dispose of things 
external in the Church as we shall think them to be conveni- 
ent, and profitable for advancing true religion among our sub- 
jects. Wherefore let it be your care, by all manner of Avise 
and discreet persuasions, to induce them to an obedient yield- 
ing to these things, as in duty both to God and us they 
are bound ; and do not think we will be satisfied with de- 
lays, mitigations, and other, we know not what, shifts have 
been proponed ; for we will not be content with any thing 
but a simple and direct acceptation of these articles in the 
form sent by us unto you a long time past, considering both 
the laM'fulness and undeniable convenience of them, for the 
better furtherance of piety and religion, the estabhshing 
whereof it had rather have becomed you to beg of us, than 
that we should have needed thus to urge the practice of them 
upon you. 

" These matters indeed concern you of the ecclesiastical 
charge chiefly ; neither would we have called noblemen, 
barons, and others of our good subjects to the determination 
of them, but that we understand the offence of our people hath 
been so much objected ; wherein you must bear with us to 
say, that no kingdom doth breed, or hath at this time more 
loving, dutiful, and obedient subjects than we have in that 
our native kingdom of Scotland ; and so, if any disposition 
hath appeared to the contrary in any of them, we hold the 
same to have proceeded from among you, albeit of all sorts 
of men ye are they that both of duty were bound, and by 
particular benefits obliged, to have continued yourselves, and 
confirmed others by sound doctrine and exemplary life, in a 
reverent obedience to our commandments. What and how 
many abuses were offered us by divers of the ministry 
there, before our happy coming to the crown of England, we 
can hardly forget, and yet like not much to remember ; 
neither think we that any prince living should have kept 
himself from falling in utter dislike with the profession itself, 
considering the many provocations that were given unto us ; 
but the love of God and his truth still upheld us, and will 

254 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1618. 

by his grace so do unto the end of our life. Our patience 
always in forgetting and forgiving of many faults of that 
sort, and constant maintaining of true religion against the 
adversaries (by whose hateful practices we live in greater 
peril than you all or any of you), should have produced 
better effect among you than continual resistance of our best 
purposes. We wish that we be no more provoked, nor the truth 
of God which you teach and profess any longer slandered, by 
such as under the cloak of seeming holiness walk disorderly 
amongst you, shaking hands as it were and joining in this 
their disobedience to magistracy with the upholders of popery. 
In sum, our hearty desire is, that at this time you make the 
world see by your proceedings what a dutiful respect you 
bear to us your sovereign prince, and natural king and lord ; 
that as we in love and care are never wanting to you, so ye 
in an humble submission to our so just demands be not found 
inferior to others our subjects in any of our kingdoms. And 
that the care and zeal of the good of God's Church, and of 
the advancing of piety and truth, doth chiefly incite us to the 
following of these matters, God is our witness ; the which 
that it may be before your eyes, and that according to your 
callings you may strive in your particular places, and in this 
general meeting, to do those things which may best serve to 
the promoving of the gospel of Christ, even our prayers are 
earnest unto God for you ; requiring you in this and other 
things to credit the bearer hereof, our trusty servant and 
chaplain, the dean of Winchester, whom Ave have expressly 
sent thither, that he may bring unto us a certain relation of 
the particular carriages of all matters, and of the happy event 
of your meeting, which, by God's blessing (who is the God 
of order, peace, and truth), we do assuredly expect ; unto 
whose gracious direction we commend you now and for ever. 
" Given at Theobalds, the 10th of July 1618." 

The letter being read once and again, as the custom is to 
do with letters of such importance, the archbishop of St 
Andrews resumed shortly the heads thereof, advising them, 
as he had done in his exhortation, to consider the inconve- 
niences they should draw upon the Church by the refusal of 
the articles. After which the rolls being called, certain of 
the most wise and discreet ministers were set apart to confer 


A. D. 1618.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 255 

Upon the articles. How matters proceeded in the said As- 
sembly you may learn by the defence afterwards published, 
in answer to a lying and seditious pamphlet that came forth 
in print against the conclusions there taken. To our story 
it shall suffice, that after long reasoning, first in the confer- 
ence, and then in the full Assembly, the Articles were con- 
cluded in this form : — 

" 1. Seeing we are commanded by God himself, that when 
we come to worship him, we fall down and kneel before the 
Lord our Maker, and considering withal that there is no 
part of divine worship more heavenly and spiritual than is 
the holy receiving of the blessed body and blood of our Lord 
and Saviour Jesus Christ, likeas the most humble and re- 
verent gesture of our body in our meditation and the lifting 
up of our hearts best becometh so divine and sacred an 
action ; therefore, notwithstanding that our Church hath used 
since the reformation of religion to celebrate the holy com- 
munion to the people sitting, by reason of the great abuse of 
kneeling used in the idolatrous worship of the sacrament by 
the papists, yet seeing all memory of bypast superstitions is 
past, in reverence of God and in due regard of so divine a 
mystery, and in remembrance of so mystical an union as we 
are made partakers of, the Assembly thinketh good, that the 
blessed sacrament be celebrated hereafter, meekly and rever- 
ently upon their knees. 

" 2. If any good Christian visited with long sickness, and 
known to the pastor, by reason of his present infirmity, to be 
unable to resort to the Church for receiving the holy com- 
munion, or being sick, shall declare to the pastor, upon his 
conscience, that he thinks his sickness to be deadly, and shall 
earnestly desire to receive the same in his house, the minister 
shall not deny him so great a comfort, lawful warning being 
given to him the night before, and that there be three or 
four of good religion and conversation, free of all lawful 
impediments, present with the sick person, to communicate 
with him, who must also provide a convenient place in his 
house, and all things necessary for the reverent administra- 
tion thereof, according to the order prescribed in the Church. 
•' 3. The minister shall often admonish the people that 
they defer not the baptizing of infants any longer than 

256 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. d. 1618. 

the next Lord's-day after the child be born ; unless, upon a 
great and reasonable cause declared to the minister, and by 
him approved, the same be continued. As also they shall 
warn them, that, without great cause, they procure not their 
children to be baptized at home in their houses ; but when 
great need shall compel them to baptize in private houses (in 
which case tlie minister shall not refuse to do it, upon the 
knowledge of the groat need, and being timely required 
thereto), then baptism shall be administered after the same 
form as it should have been in the congregation : and the 
minister shall, the next Lord's-day after any such private 
baptism, declare in the Church that the infant was so bap- 
tized, and therefore ought to be received as one of the true 
flock of Christ's fold. 

" 4. Forasmuch as one of the special means for staying the 
increase of popery, and settling of true religion in the hearts 
of people is, that a special care be taken of young chil- 
dren, their education, and how" they are catechized ; which in 
time of the primitive Church most carefully was attended, as 
being most profitable to cause young children in their tender 
years drink in the knowledge of God and his religion, but is 
now altogether neglected, in respect of the great abuse and 
errors which crept into the popish church by making thereof 
a sacrament of confirmation ; therefore, that all superstitions 
built thereupon may be rescinded, and that the matter itself, 
being most necessary for the education of youth, may be 
reduced to the primitive integrity, it is thought good that 
the minister in every parish shall catechize all young chil- 
dren of eight years of age, and see that they have the know- 
ledge and be able to make rehearsal of the Lord's Prayer, 
Belief, and Ten Command nw?nts, with answers to the questions 
of the small catechism used in our Church, and that every 
bishop, in his visitation, shall censure the minister who shall 
be found remiss therein ; and the said bishops shall cause the 
said children to be presented before them, and bless them 
with prayer for the increase of their knowledge, and the 
continuance of God's heavenly graces with every one of them. 

" 5. As we abhor the superstitious observation of festival 
days by the papists, and detest all licentious and profane 
abuses thereof by the common sort of professors, so we 
think that the inestimal)le benefits received from God, by 


A. D. 1618.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 257 

our Lord Jesus Christ, his birth, passion, resurrection, ascen- 
sion, and sending down of the Holy Ghost, were commend- 
ably and godly remembered at certain particular days and 
times by the whole church of the world, and may also be 
now ; therefore, the Assembly ordaineth that every minister 
shall upon these days have the commemoration of the fore- 
said inestimable benefits, and make choice of several and per- 
tinent texts of scripture, and frame their doctrine and exhor- 
tations thereto ; and rebuke all superstitious observation and 
licentious profanation thereof." 

These Articles concluded, order was given to intimate the 
same in all the parish churches, and the ministers enjoined to 
inform their people of the lawfulness thereof, and exhort them 
to obedience. But this being neglected of the greater part, 
was not the least cause of the distractions that ensued, espe- 
cially in the Church of Edinburgh, where the people being 
still fostered in an opinion that their ministers would not go 
from their former practice, when they saw them give obe- 
dience, withdrew themselves in great numbers, and ran to 
seek the communion from other ministers they knew to be 
refractory. His majesty always, upon advertisement that 
the Articles were concluded, caused publish the same at the 
market-crosses of the pi'incipal burghs, commanding the sub- 
jects to obey and conform themselves, under the pain of his 
highness's displeasure. 

At the same time, the king being informed that the earl of 
Argyle (who the summer preceding had obtained license, 
upon a pretext of some infirmity, to go unto the Spadan 
Wells) was revolted from the religion, and that he enter- 
tained some secret practice with old MacRannald for dis- 
turbing the country, did recall his license, and ordained him 
to be cited, upon threescore days, to appear before the coun- 
cil. He not appearing at the time appointed, was denounced 
rebel, and process of forfeiture intended against him. Whe- 
ther he was perverted by his English lady, who was popish, 
or that to gain the favour of Spain he did change his reli- 
gion, is doubtful ; but thereby he lost his majesty's favour 
(who could never endure an apostate papist), and undid his 
own reputation. Some few years after he made means for 
his peace, and was permitted to return unto England. 

VOL, in. 17 

258 THE HISTORY Ol" THE [a. d. 1(JU>. 

In the month of November a comet or blazing star of more 
than ordinary bigness shined many nights together. It was 
held to portend great calamities, and was interpreted by 
divers to have foreshowed the troubles that shortly after 
arose in Germany. Bnt as every one is ready to make his 
own construction of such things, some with us did take it to 
foretell the death of our noble Queen Anne, who deceased 
some months after, to the great regret of all honest subjects ; 
a courteous and humane princess, and one in whom there was 
much goodness. 

It was in this year that the synod of Dordrecht, in Hol- 
land, was gathered for repressing the Arrainians, and thither 
did the troublers of our Church (thinking to procure their 
approbation) direct a relation of the government of the Scot- 
tish Church. But the synod declining all questions of disci- 
pline, held themselves to the points of doctrine controverted ; 
and having condemned the five articles wherein the Armi- 
nians dissented from the reformed churches, the Acts of Perth 
Assembly being also five in number, it was given out among 
the vulgar sort, that they had condemned the synod of Perth ; 
and for a time was the people entertained by some ministers 
in those conceits. The relation was confuted a little after, 
and the falsehood thereof discovered ; yet they ceased not 
by their Ubels and pamphlets to injure the most worthy men, 
and among others the bishop of Galloway, whom they vexed 
so with their papers, as he, taking the business more to heart 
than was needful, fell in a sickness, whereof he deceased in 
the beginning of the same year. An excellent and ready 
preacher he was, and a singular good man, but one that 
affected too much the applause of the popular. The good 
opinion of the people is to be desired, if it may be had law- 
fully ; but when it cannot be obtained (as who is he that can 
please all men and at all times ?) the testimony of a well- 
informed conscience should suffice. Mala opinio bene parta 
delectat, said Seneca, an ill opinion well purchased (that is, 
for sustaining a good cause, or keeping a straight course) 
shoidd work us joy and delight, not grieve us at all. 

Upon the death of Bishop William Cowper, Mr Andrew 
Lamb was translated to Galloway, to Avhom succeeded in 
Brechin Mr David Lindsay, then minister at Dundee. At 
Edinburgh, betwixt the magistrates and ministers, a great 

A. D. 1620.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 259 

strife and discontent was raised, because of the people's 
straying from their churches, at which the magistrates were 
thought to connive. Their usurpation, besides, in church 
affairs, especially the intruding of a clerk upon the church 
session, did minister no small cause of offence. The matter 
was brought before the king, where, in behalf of the minis- 
ters, it was said, "'' That they were unkindly entreated for the 
obedience given to the Acts of Perth Assembly ;" the magis- 
strates, by their commissioner, did on the other side inform, 
" That the ministers were the cause of the people's disobedi- 
ence, some of them having directly preached against the Acts 
of Perth, and all of them affirmed that these Acts were con- 
cluded against their hearts." 

His majesty remitting the trial of these complaints to his 
secretary, and to the archbishops of St Andrews and Glas- 
gow, whenas they had examined the same, it appeared that 
both the one and the other were in fault, and that the mis- 
takings among them were not the least cause of the disorders 
in that church, whereupon they were admonished to lay 
aside their grudges, and to keep one course for the retaining 
the people in the obedience of God and his majesty. The 
magistrates and council were likewise commanded, as the 
king had given direction, to provide four other ministers, 
besides those that were in present service, and perfect the 
division of the town in parishes, which had been often pro- 
mised. And so shortly after this, were Mr William Forbes, 
minister at Aberdeen, Mr John Guthrie, minister at Perth, 
Mr John Maxwell, minister at Mortlach, and Mr Alexander 
Thomson, minister at Cambuslang, translated from their 
several churches, and placed ministers at Edinburgh. 

The next year, being the year 1620, the wars of Bohemia 
growing hot, and the Palatinate invaded, the king took in 
mind the defence of his daughter and grandchildren in their 
patrimony ; and because a supply of monies was required to 
such a business, the council was desired to travail with the 
noblemen, the members of session, and the town of Edin- 
burgh, for a voluntary contribution, knowing that others, by 
their example, would be drawn thereto. The noblemen, 
meeting to this effect the twenty-fourth of November, ex- 
pressed a great forwardness to satisfy his majesty's desire ; 
yet fearing that all the contributions, when they were brought 

200 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. 1). 1621. 

together, should prove unworthy, advised the council rather 
to call a parliament, and impose upon the subjects, by way of 
tax, a reasonable proportion, according to the wealth and 
substance that every man had. This being signified to the 
king, he refused to have any supply by tax, for he considered 
that the collection would require a time, and a burthen should 
that way be cast upon the commons and poor labourers of 
the ground, which would make an outcrying among the peo- 
ple ; therefore, he desired as before, that noblemen and those 
others he had named in his first letter should be urged to 
show their liberality. 

A now meeting for this business being kept in January 
thereafter, divers overtures were made for giving his ma- 
jesty content. The noblemen that were present made offer 
for their parts to give a benevolence according to their abili- 
ties ; but divers of their rank being minors, and others al)road 
in their travels, they saw not who would undertake for them. 
The town of Edinburgh being pressed with an answer, ex- 
cused themselves as being one burgh only, and lacking the 
concurrence of the rest, -without which ary supply they could 
make would be of little worth. The advocates, clerks, and 
other members of the session, gave in effect the like answer, 
so as they were forced to turn unto the first ovei-ture for a 
parliament. And for that the difficulties of the contribution 
could not so well be expressed by letter, it was thought 
meet that one of the council should be sent to inform his 
majesty of the reasons and necessity they had to call a par- 
liament. This employment being Inid upon the archbish' p 
of St Andrews, he took journey about the end of the same 
month, and obtained, after a little insisting, his majesty's 
Avarrant for a parliament. Thus was it indicted to keep at 
Edinburgh the first of June, and prorogued to the twenty- 
third of July thereafter. 

In this mean time, it happened thnt Sir Gideon Murray, 
treasurer-deputy, being then at court, an information was 
made against him for abusing his office to the king's preju- 
dice. The informer was James Stewart, styled then Lord 
Ochiltrie ; who, out of malice carried to the gentleman for 
the strictness which he had used in calling him to an account 
for the duties of Orkney, made offer to justify the accusa- 
tion ; and, bv the assistance of some of better credit than 

A. D. 1621.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAXD, 261 

himself, prevailed so ^nv, that the matter was remitted to the 
trial of certain counsellors at home. The gentleman being 
of a great spirit, and taking impatiently that his fidelity, 
whereof ho had given so great proof, should be called in 
question upon the information of a malicious enemy, by the 
way as he returned from court, did contract such a deep 
melancholy, as neither counsel nor comfort could reclaim him ; 
so fiir was he overgone, that no advice given by friends, nor 
offer of their assistance, nor the company and counsel of any 
whomsoever, could reduce him to his wonted estate ; and so, 
after he came to Edinburgh, within a few days departed this 
life. It was not doubted, if he should have patiently attended 
the trial, but he had been cleared, and the accusation proved 
a mere calumny ; nor was it thought that the king did trust 
the information, but only desired to have the honesty of his 
servant appear. Yet such was his weakness (courage I can- 
not call it), as, giving scope to his passions of anger and grief, 
he suffered himself to be therewith oppressed. By his death 
the king did lose a good servant as ever he had in that 
charge ; and did sore forethink that he should have given 
ear to such delations. But of that pestilent sort some will 
never be wanting in tlie courts of princes, and happy is the 
king that can rid himself of liars in that kind. The gentle- 
man, always, died happily, and had his corpse interred in the 
church of Halyrudhouse. 

The time of parliament drawing near, the marquis of Ha- 
milton was employed as commissioner for keeping the same. 
At his first coming, having understood the business that some 
turbulent ministers were makino; to imoede the ratification of 
the Acts of Perth Assembly, he caused discharge all the min- 
isters out of the town, the ordinary preachers excepted, and 
two of the number that would not be made quiet, he sent 
prisoners to Dumbarton. All that time he did carry him- 
self, and the matters committed to his trust, with such wis- 
dom and foresight, as within a few days he brought them all 
to the end Avhich he wished, without any open contradiction. 
The subsidy desired was granted ; the Acts of Perth Assem- 
bly ratified ; and divers other constitutions for the profit and, 
good of the country, as in the Acts imprinted may be seen. 
At the closing of the parliament, wliich was the fourth of 
August, such abundance of rain, with such tliunderings and 

262 THE HISTORY OF THli; [a. D. 1621. 

lightnings, did fall, as the noblemen and others of tlie Estates 
were compelled to leave their horses, and betake them to 
their coaches; which the factious sort did interpret to be " a 
visible sign of God's anger for ratifying the Acts of Perth :" 
others, in derision of their foll3% said, " That it was to be 
taken for an approbation from Heaven, likening the same to 
the thunderings and lightnings at the giving of the law to 

This was the last parliament of King James in this king- 
dom, and that wherein he received greatest content : for the 
puritan faction had boasted that the Acts of Perth should 
never pass in a law (so confident they were of their favourers 
in the parliament-house) ; and now that they failed in their 
hopes, he trusted they would become more wise. But the 
king, no less careful to have the Acts obeyed, than he 
was to have them pass in a law, did commend the same by 
two several letters to the bishops and to the lords of council. 

To the bishops he said, " That as they had to do with two 
sorts of enemies, papists and puritans, so they should go for- 
ward in action both against the one and the other ; that 
papistry was a disease of the mind, and puritanism of the 
brain ; and the antidote of both, a grave, settled, and well- 
ordered church in the obedience of God and their king ; 
whereof he willed them to be cai'eful, and to use all means 
for reducing those that either of simphcity or wilfulness did 

In the letter directed to the council, he put them in mind 
of that he had written in his " Basilicon Doron," " That he 
would have reformation to begin at his own elbow, which 
he esteemed the privy-council and session, with their mem- 
bers, to be, as having their places and promotions by him. 
Therefore commanded them and every one of that number 
to conform themselves to the obedience of the orders of the 
Church now estabUshed by law, which he trusted they would 
readily do. Otherwise if any councillor or sessioner should 
refuse and make difficulty, he did assure them that if within 
fourteen days before Christmas they did not resolve to con- 
form themselves, they should lose their places in his service ; 
and if any advocate or clerk should not at that time obey, 
they should be suspended from the exercises of their offices, 
and the fees and casualties thereunto belonging, unto such 

A. D. 1621.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 263 

time as the^^ gave obedience." In the same letter he willed 
the council to take order, " that none should bear office in 
any burgh, nor be chosen sheriif, deputy, or clerk, but such 
as did conform themselves, in all points, to the said orders." 
This letter was of the date. At the Honour of Hampton, the 
twenty-ninth of September 1621. 

By this may the reader judge of that which hath been 
commonly affirmed, " That the nobleman who was commis- 
sioner should have promised, at the passing of the Acts, that 
none should be pressed with the obedience of them, but all 
left to their own pleasures." That his majesty gave no such 
warrant it appears by the foresaid letters, and that the noble- 
man would go an inch from that he was trusted with, none 
that knew him will believe. The truth is, that in most per- 
suasive words (and with that majesty which became the place 
he represented), he did " require them all to acquiesce, and 
willingly obey the conclusions taken, and not to draw upon 
themselves, by their disobedience, his majesty's anger ; assur- 
ing them, in that case, that his majesty should not in his days 
press any more change or alteration in matters of that kind 
without their own consents." And this was all the nobleman 
spake, as divers yet living may remember. 

In the beginning of the next year, the chancellor died at his 
house of Pinkie, near to Musselburgh, in a good age, and with 
the regret of many ; for he exerced his place with great moder- 
ation, and to the contentment of all honest men. He was 
ever inclining to the Roman faith, as being educated at Rome 
in his younger years ; but very observant of good order, and 
one that hated lying and dissimulation, and above all things 
studied to maintain peace and quietness. Sir George Hay, 
clerk of register, being then at court, was preferred to the 
place, and by his dimission Mr John Hamilton, brother to 
the earl of Haddington, made keeper of the register. 

About this time, upon advertisements sent from England 
of the enlargement of certain priests and papists that were 
there imprisoned, a rumour was dispersed that the king was 
inclining to a toleration of popery, and would grant liberty 
of conscience. This rumour was increased by occasion of 
certain directions sent from the king to the bishops of Eng- 
land, for reforming certain abuses crept into the Church, 
whereby the preachers and lecturers were connnanded on 

264 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1622. 

Sundays and holy days, in the afternoon, to teach the Cate- 
chism only, or then some text taken out of the Creed, the 
Ten Commandments, or Lord's Prayer ; and in their preach- 
ing to abstain from handling the deep points of predestina- 
tion, reprobation, election, the universality, efficacy, resisti- 
bility or irresistibility of grace, leaving these themes as 
fitter for the schools than for simple auditories ; as likewise 
not to presume in any lecture or sermon to limit and bound, 
by way of positive doctrine, the power, prerogative, juris- 
diction, authority, or duty of sovereign princes, or to meddle 
with matters of state, having reference betwixt princes and 
people, otherwise than they were instructed and precedented 
in the homily of obedience, and others of that sort set forth 
by public authority. These directions were interpreted to 
be a discharge of preaching, at least a confining of preachers 
to certain points of doctrine, which they called a limiting of 
the Spirit of God ; and, as people will ever be judging and 
censuring public actions, every one made the construction 
whereunto their humours did lead them. 

The better and wiser sort, who considered the present 
estate of things, gave a far other judgment thereof; for as 
then the king was treating with the French king for peace 
to the protestants in France, and with the king of Spain for 
withdrawing his forces from the Palatinate, at which time it 
was no way fitting that he should be executing the rigour of 
his laws against papists at home, while he did labour for 
peace to them of the religion abroad ; the most likely way to 
obtain what he did seek of these princes being a moderation 
of the severity of laws against priests and papists, at least 
for a time. And as to the directions given to the preachers, 
the same they judged both necessary and profitable, con- 
sidering: the indiscretion of divers of that sort, who, to make 
ostentation of their learning, or to gain the applause of the 
popular, would be meddling with controversies they scarce 
understood, and with matters exceeding the capacities of 

The king oifonding with these rumours, which he heard 
were dispersed in both kingdoms, took occasion in a parlia- 
ment assembled about that time in England to speak to them, 
and say, " 1 understand that I am blamed for not being so 
careful as heretofore, of maintaining true religion, and for not 

A. D. 1623.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 265 

executing the laws made against papists ; but ye should 
know that a king and his laws are not unfitly compared to a 
rider and his horse ; the spur is sometimes to be used, but not 
always ; the bridle is sometimes to be held in, at other times 
to be let loose, as the rider finds cause ; just so a king is not 
at all times to put in execution the rigour of his laws, but he 
must for a time, and upon just grounds, dispense with the 
same, as I protest to have done in the present case, and to 
have connived only for a time, upon just cause, howbeit not 
known to all. If any man for the favour showed to a priest 
or papist will judge me to be inchning that way, he wrongs 
me exceedingly. My words, and writings, and actions, have 
sufficiently demonstrated what my resolution is in matters of 

Some more words to this purpose he uttered in that meet- 
ing ; but in a letter directed to the council of Scotland he was 
somewhat more rough, finding fault with those that presumed 
to censure his proceedings, and commanding them to take an 
exact trial of such as had broken out into any such insolen- 
ces either in word or deed, and to punish them severely ac- 
cording to the laws. Tliis was not well published, when the 
news of the prince's journey to Spain made all good men 
amazed ; for hearing that he was gone accompanied only 
with the duke of Buckingham and another servant, the fear 
of inconveniences that might befall his person did mightily 
trouble them. But it pleased God, both in his going and 
returning, safely to conduct and protect him. The occasion 
and success of that journey I shall shortly relate. 

A match had been treating of a long time betwixt the 
prince and a daughter of Spain, which received many hinder- 
ances both at home and in that court ; but it being thought 
that the delays made in these parts would be easily removed 
by the presence of the prince himself, whereof great hopes 
were given by Gundomar the Spanish ambassador, the king 
gave way to the journey, as hoping by this mean to have 
the Palatinate freed from the vexations of war, and a general 
peace established throughout Christendom. Thus the prince, 
accompanied in manner aforesaid, departed secretly from 
court, and landing at Calais, went through France undis- 
covered, and after a few days came safely to the court of 

266 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1623. 

At his coming he was kindly received, and welcomed with 
divers courtly compliments, but found a greater strangeness 
than he expected ; for although he was still kept in hope of 
the match, yet he was not permitted to visit the lady, but 
upon condition to speak in such and such terms, and no 
otherwise. Afterwards they began to move him touching 
his religion, desiring he should confer with some divines, for 
that he could not have the Infanta to wife, unless he was 
converted and became a Roman-cathohc. The prince re- 
plying, " That he would never change his religion for such a 
worldly respect, nor would he enter in conference with any 
divines to that purpose, for if they did not prevail with him, 
it would breed a greater discontent :" it was then told him, 
" that he must attend till a dispensation was procured from 
Rome, and that in the meantime he should be entertained 
as a prince, but not as a suitor." 

This dispensation being returned, which had in it a condi- 
tion, that the king of Spain should take oath to obtain the 
king of Britain's consent unto certain demands concerning 
religion, there was a letter therewith sent from Pope 
Gregory the Fifteenth to the prince, wherein, after many fair 
and plausible words, he said, " That as Pope Gregory was 
the first that induced the people of England to submit them- 
selves to the See Apostolic, so he bearing the same name, 
and being his equal in the height of dignity, though inferior 
to him in virtue and holiness, desired nothing more than to 
follow his pattern, and promove the health and happiness of 
that kingdom ; the rather because his peregrination at that 
time had given such hopes of a happy success. For since 
he was arrived in Spain and at the court of the catholic king, 
with a desire to join in marriage with the house of Austria 
(which intention he greatly commended), he could not bcheve 
that he did really desire the match and in heart abhor the 
catholic religion, and seek to ruin the holy sec of Rome." 
Then falling to a prayer, he " besought God the Father of 
lights to advance him (the most fair flower of the Christian 
world, and the only hope of Great Britain) to that noble inherit- 
ance which his illustrious progenitors had gained by the de- 
fence of the apostolic authority, and the suppression of the 
monsters of all heresies." Towards the end of the letter, 
willing him " to call to mind the ancient times, and make his 

A. D. 1623.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 267 

prayers to his ancestors, that they would vouchsafe to teach 
him the way by which they went to heaven," he asked, " how 
he could with patience hear the heretics call them damned 
whom the catholic faith doth testify to reign in heaven, and 
to dwell exalted above all the princes of the earth ?" In end, 
returning to his supplications, he said, " that the Catholic 
Church Roman, stretching forth her arms to embrace him 
with all affection as her most desired son, he could not per- 
form any thing of greater comfort to the nations of Christen- 
dom, than to bring again the profession of that most noble 
island to the prince of the Apostles, whereof he could not 
despair, his hopes being set on God, in whose hands are the 
hearts of kings," &c. 

This letter, given at Rome in the palace of St Peter, the 
twentieth of April 1623, and in the third year of his 
apostolate, was delivered to the prince about the midst of 
May, which he received courteously, thanking the pope for 
his good affection. Thereafter, understanding that the dis- 
pensation was granted, he pressed the performance of the 
marriage, but was answered, " That the conditions must first 
be fulfilled, and the articles concerning the Infanta, her 
liberty of profession, when she came into England, and the 
education of her children, if God should grant her any by 
him, drawn up in form." These articles being advised by a 
commission of divines, were sent into England, and shortly 
after returned signed with his majesty's hand, and approved 
by the council. And now it was thought there should be no 
more delays used, but other excuses were forged : as, " That 
it was not fitting the Infanta should go to England before the 
business of the parliament was settled, and that these articles 
must be sent to Rome and allowed by the pope." The prince 
perceiving that there was nothing really intended on the 
king of Spain his part, and that the treaty was only enter- 
tained till the king of Spain had reduced Germany in his 
power, resolved to be gone, and declaring the necessity he 
had to return, did leave a proxy in the hands of the earl of 
Bristol (the ambassador legier) for espousing the Infanta, 
how soon the articles returned from Rome.. So the king of 
Spain having conveyed the prince a little way towards the 
sea, they parted in most loving terms, and in hope the match 
should take effect. 13 ut the prince being after that informed 

268 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1624. 

of a conclusion laid, " That if the match should be farther 
pressed, the Infanta, to eschew the same, should presently 
enter into the house of Z05 Discalceatos" (a monastery of bare- 
footed nuns), after he was parted, sent and commanded 
Bristol not to make use of the proxy till he should advertise. 

The prince having for his convoy home eleven of the 
king's ships and some merchants, arrived at Portsmouth the 
fifth of October with his whole retinue, and went the next 
day to Royston, where the king lay. The joy was ex- 
ceeding great of all sorts of people, and public thanks 
given to God throughout all the churches of both the 
kingdoms for his safe return. Soon after, when the king 
perceived by the report, that neither was the match truly 
meaut, nor the Palatinate like to be restored, he directed the 
earl of Bristol to insist for the restitution, and if he was put 
off with delays, to take his leave and come home ; which also 
he did. Thus was the marriage which had been long 
treated of quite dissolved, the king saying, " that he would 
never marry his son with a portion of his only sister's 

The year following, the ministers of Edinburgh were 
greatly vexed by a sort of mutinous people, who, separating 
themselves from the public assemblies, kept private conven- 
ticles, and went so far as to oppose publicly the order estab- 
lished for receiving the holy communion. The leader of 
those was William Rigge, elected one of the baihes for that 
year. This man, puffed up with a conceit of his own abiU- 
ties, did dream of no less than the overturning of the Church 
orders, and reforming of the ministry in such things as he 
held to be amiss : hereupon, in a meeting ordinarily kept 
before the celebration of the holy sacrament, he did publicly 
challenge Dr William Forbes, who was afterwards preferred 
to the bishopric of Edinburgh, for divers points of doctrine 
dehvcred by him in his sermons ; and whonas he refused to 
be judged by him and the laics that assisted, the said bailie 
did openly threaten them all, that unless they returned to 
the old form of ministering the holy communion, the whole 
people should forsake them. Herein he was assisted by 
John Hamilton, an apothecary, John Dickson, William 
Simson, John I\Iayn, and some other base companions ; who 
being called before the council, were charged to leave the 

A. D. 1624.] CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 269 

town, and the bailie, William Rigge, deprived of his bay- 
lerie, and declared incapable of any public office in time 

This trouble gave occasion of settling the state of that 
Church in a better case than in former times — " the minis- 
ters being ordained to reside in their own parishes, and have 
allowed to them a sufficient maintenance ; the popular elec- 
tion of ministers, whenas places by any occasion fell void, 
discharged, and the presentation appointed to be made by 
the provost, bailies, and council ; the sessions to be choosed 
yearly by the magistrates and ministers for the particular 
parishes, who should convene every year some ten days after 
the election of the magistrates for that business ; the meet- 
ing before the communion, wherein the ministers were accus- 
tomed to be censured by the people, simply prohibited ; " with 
divers other particulars serving to the orderly ministration 
of all things in the Church. 

The sixteenth of February, Ludovick, duke of Richmond 
and Lennox, deceased, to the great regret of all that knew 
him — a nobleman of excellent parts, whose very aspect and 
countenance did promise much good. He was thrice mar- 
ried ; first to a sister of the Earl of Cowrie, by whom he had 
no children ; his second wife was a sister of the Lord Loudoun, 
by whom he had a daughter and son that died both young. 
In his third and last marriage with the countess of Hartford, 
he found more content than in both the others, but lived 
with her only some few years, being taken away in the forty- 
eighth year of his age. His brother Esme, a noble gentle- 
man, succeeded, but did not survive him long, for he died 
the next year, leaving a hopeful succession of children behind 

The next year, in the month of March, James, marquis 
of Hamilton, deceased also — a nobleman of rare gifts, and 
fitted for the greatest affairs, which he showed at his de- 
putation to the parliament 1621, and at other divers occa- 
sions. His death was the more grievously taken, that it was 
thought to be procured by poison, whereof the monstrous 
swellings in his face and body afore his death gave great ap- 
pearance. His corpse, brought to Scotland by sea, was in- 
terred at Hamilton with his predecessors. 

These two deaths affected the king exceedingly ; and when 

270 THE HISTORY OF THE [a. D. 1624, 

it was told him that the marquis was dead, he said, " If the 
branches be thus cut down, the stock cannot continue long:" 
which saying proved too true, for shortly after he fell into 
the fever that the physicians call Hemitritceum — a dan- 
gerous fever to those that are grown in years — and thereof 
died at Theobalds, the twenty-seventh of March, being Sun- 
day, about twelve of the clock in the forenoon. The Thurs- 
day preceding his death he desired the blessed sacrament to 
be ministered unto him, which he received with great devo- 
tion, professing to the prince his son, and those that stood by, 
that " he had received a singular comfort thereby," wishing all 
men to do the like when they were visited in that sort. From 
that time to the hour of his death he was still almost pray- 
ing, and some one sentence or other of piety ever in his 
mouth. As he drew near to his end, the prayer usually said 
at the hour of death being ended, having repeated once or 
twice these words, Veni, Domine Jesu, he gave up the ghost 
without any pangs, such as are commonly seen in persons 
that are dying. He was the Solomon of this age, admired 
for his wise government, and for his knowledge in all manner 
of learning. For his wisdom, moderation, love of justice, for 
his patiencQ and piety (which shined above all his other vir- 
tues, and is witnessed in the learned works he left to pos- 
terit}"^), his name shall never be forgotten, but remain in 
honour so long as the world endureth. We that have had 
the honour and happiness many times to hear him discourse 
of the most weighty matters, as well of poUcy as divinity, 
now that he is gone, must comfort ourselves with the remem- 
brance of these excellencies, and reckon it not the least part 
of our happiness to have Uved in his days. 

Many doleful epitaphs in all languages were composed to 
express the sorrow conceived by his death. This following, 
penned by a learned divine in our vulgar language, did affect 
mo so, as I thought good to subjoin it : — 

All who have eyes, awake and weep, 
For he whose waking wrought our sleep 
Is fallen asleep himself, and never 
Shall wake again till waked for ever. 
Death's iron hand hath closed those eyes 
Which were at once three kingdoms' spies, 

D. 1624.] CHURCH OF S( OTLAN'O. 271 

Both to foresee, and to prevent 
Dangers as soon as they were meant. 
That head, whose working brain alone 
Wrought all men's quiet but its own, 
Now lies at rest. let him have 
The peace he lent us, in his grave. 
If that no Naboth all his reign 
Was for his fruitful vineyard slain ; 
If no Uriah lost his hfe 
Because he had too fair a wife ; 
Then let no Shimei's curses wound 
His honour or profane his ground. 
Let no black-mouthed, no rank-breathed cur, 
Peaceful James his ashes stir. 
Princes are Gods ; do not then 
Rake in their graves to prove them men. 
For two-and- twenty years' long care, 
For providing such an heir, — 
Who to the peace we had before 
May add twice two-and-twenty more, — 
For his days' travels and nights' watches. 
For his crazed sleep, stolen by snatches, 
For two fair kingdoms joined in one, 
« For all he did, or meant to have done, 
Do this for him, write on his dust 
James, the Peaceful and the Just. 


NOTE I. P. 200. 


[The paragraph in tho text, which tliis note illustrates, is both curious and 
important. It is curious and important to find, in reference to that extraordi- 
nary postscript to the Govvrie conspirac}', the trial and execution of George 
Sprot, that a churchman of the first reputation and highest position in the king- 
dom, who gravely performed the part assigned him in that discreditable tragedy, 
who sat as one of the judges on the trial, and attended on the scafibld to attest 
the dying words of the wretched victim, should himself have entertained the ut- 
most contempt for the whole proceedings, and an utter disbelief of the culprit's 
confessions. The archbishop did not, and dared not, at the time announce hia 
disbelief, or even evince scepticism. Far less dared he, in the lifetime of the 
monarch whom that strange story so deeply concerned, have published such a 
paragraph as his history contains. Yet his contempt for, and disbelief of, the 
wild romance extracted, per fas et nefas, from the notary Sprot, he deliberately 
recorded for all posterity to read. This of itself is no unimportant commentary 
upon that disgusting passage in the history of James VI. 

Our author's paragraph, moreover, is important in this respect, that it dis- 
tinctly records a fact overlooked by all our best modern historians, yet of 
the utmost importance to the question of the truth or falsehood of those so 
called confessions, upon which alone Sprot was convicted. The archbishop 
asserts, as a fact unquestioned, that the letter from Logan of Restalrig to the 
earl of Gowrie, which the culprit confessed that he had abstracted, and declared 
he still possessed, was never made forthcoming on his trial. In the paragraph 
under consideration, he states, as one of the reasons for his opinion that Sprot's 
story seemed " a very fiction, and to be a mere conceit of the man's own brain," — 
that " neither did he show the letter ,-" — which letter formed the basis of the in- 
dictment, and which was then, according to the original record itself, under- 
stood to be the onli/ one of those treasonable missives that Sprot had in his pos- 
session. Of course our author must mean, that throughout the whole proceed- 
ings the letter itself never was produced ; for had it been produced after Sprot's 
first confession, so as to be inserted verbatim in his indictment, or produced at 
any time so as to support his confession, the archbishop would scarcely have 
been guilty of so puerile a defence of his scepticism, as the argument that Sprot 
did not " show the letter " at first. His statement is very shortly expressed ; 
but it distinctly amounts to this, that throughout the proceedings which led to 
the execution of Sprot, 7iot one of those famoiis letters from Restalrig to Gowrie 
were produced. 

But all our modem historians, paying not the slightest attention to this simple 
and unequivocal statement of one of the leading judges on that trial, and one 
most observant of the whole proceedings from first to last, have assumed and 
asserted that the letters were prodhced on the trial, and that upon those pro- 
ductions themselves his majesty's advocate libelled against Sprot. No doubt, 
VOL. III. 18 


the archbishop may have given us a false account of that matter, and the modem 
historians may bo quite correct. But let us see to that. Let us first test 
Spottiswoode's statement by the original record of the trial, and then look into 
history on the subject. 

The whole evidences relating to the matter have beea collected, in their most 
authentic form, by Mr Pitcairn, in his laborious and valuable publication of the 
Criminal Records of Scotland. From this repertory we derive the facts. The 
indictment itself is there printed from the original record. Sprot is accused of 
being guilty, art and part, of the Gowrie conspiracy, by having become cogniz- 
ant thereof before the fact, and not having revealed the treason. It is narrated 
that he acquired his knowledge by reading various letters from Logan of Res- 
talrig to the earl of Gowrie, referring to the conspiracy ; that this had hap- 
pened by means of Logan's confidential messenger " laird Bour," who had 
given Sprot those letters to read, he, Bour, not being able to read one syllable, — 
a fact, by the way, of no little consequence to the evidence that is supposed to 
authenticate the details of the poor notary's insane victimizing of himself. The 
indictment further narrates that, besides havinrj seen several of the letters in 
question, the accused had taken that opportunity of abstracting one, and retain- 
ing it in his ovra possession. This letter is specially libelled ; and it is the only 
letter, of all the alleged treasonable missives from Logan, the contents of which 
his majesty's advocate even pretends to have such knowledge of as to be able to 
libel thereupon. This one is so introduced as to seem, not an abstract as Mr 
Pitcairn loosely assumes it to be, but a verbatim extract of the whole substance 
material to the cause. It is important, in reference to a comparison of Arch- 
bishop Spottiswoode's notice of the subject with the dissertations by modem 
historians, to bear in mind that the indictment proceeds only upon one letter, and 
only charges the accused with having obtained possession of that one, though 
he is also accused of having see?i others in the hands of this Bour. Moreover, 
the public prosecutor does not pretend to libel upon the letter itself as a produc- 
tion. He does not say, that, in consequence of Sprot's confession, the letter was 
sought for and recovered, either from him or his repositories,— a most important 
point in the prosecutor's case, and which, had the fact so been, he could not fail 
to have specially introduced. Then, again, the same letter, or at least a letter 
generally assumed to be so, is produced about a twelvemonth afterwards, on the 
trial of Logan's bones, and it turns out to be essentially different from the extracts 
in the libel against Sprot. 

The record of that unhappy man's principal confession is also printed by Mr 
Pitcairn, and serves to illustrate this state of the indictment. In that con- 
fession (upon which alone the public prosecutor proceeded against him) he ad- 
mits having seen various treasonable letters, and that he abstracted and pos- 
sessed one of them. But he produces none. From memory, however, he repeats 
what he declares to be the substance of a letter from Gowrie to Logan, and 
also what he declares to be the tenor of the letter alleged to be from Logan 
to Gowrie, which he had abstracted and retained. On comparing these two im- 
portant records, the confession and the indictment, it will bo seen that the only 
letter libelled Is the very same as that which had been taken down from Logan's 
own lips. That he there had given it from memory, and had not produced it, is 
manifest from the conclusion of his examination, where he depones, " That he left 
the above written letter in his chest among his writings when ho was taken and 
brought away, and that it was closed and folded within a piece of paper." The 
king's advocate, for reasons best kno\vn to himself, did not libel upon the letter 
from Gowrie to Logan, which Sprot in his confession also repeated from memory. 
That letter was never pretended to be produced at all ; nor was it heard of 
more ! Neither does it appear that the advocate, upon this deposition of Sprot's, 
recovered out of his chest the letter from Logan to Gowrie. Had ho done so, 
he would have stated the fact, and libelled upon tho production of it. Instead 
of which, as is manifest from the terms of the indictment itself, he libels entirely 



upon Sprot's confession, and upon the letter as repeated from memory therein, 
ipsissimis verbis. Throughout the whole record of the trial, so well collected by 
Mr Pitcairn, there is not a circumstance or expression to warrant any other 
idea than tliis, that not one of the treasonable letters, about which so much was 
heard some time afterwards, and )io Idler at all, was produced throughout the 
proceedings that brought Sprot to the gallows. And here we may pause to 
correct a comment wldch the ingenious editor of the Criminal Trials has noted 
under the indictment printed in his text. 

]\Ir Pitcairn, seeing the very imperfect resemblance between the scrap of a 
letter libelled on, and that which he assumes to be the same letter produced at 
the trial of Logan's bones a year after, but being wedded to the notion that 
all the letters are authentic, and that Sprot spoke the truth, thinks some apology 
necessary. And here it is : " It will be readily observed," he says with great 
simplicity, " that a mere abstract of part only of the treasonable letters had been 
considered by the public prosecutor as necessary to be engrossed in the ' Dittay ' 
of Sprot ; proper transcripts of these epistles will be found in the following 
article, No. XV. Restalrig's forfeiture, June 24, 1C09, where they were produced 
in evidence, and recorded in the Books of Parliament." 

This note distinctly involves an assertion, that the public prosecutor at Sprot's 
trial, about a twelvemonth before Restalrig's forfeiture, had in his possession 
" the treasonable letters " (five in number), afterwards produced in the process 
against the bones. Mr Pitcairn is not justified, by any part of the record he has 
printed, in the comment he has made. What " treasonable letters " were in the 
power of the king's advocate at that trial ? Surely his own indictment, and the 
recorded confession upon which it founds, is the best evidence on that subject. 
He only libels upon one letter, and does not pretend to say that even that one 
was recovered by him, or that ho had any other knowledge of its contents than 
what he acquired through Sprot's statement in his confession. The^'ue letters, 
long afterwards produced, to which Mr Pitcairn alludes in his note, and so 
loosely assumes to have been within the advocate's power from the first, are 
never hinted at as being so, throughout the whole proceedings against Sprot. And 
does this industrious and ingenious gentleman (seemingly not much accustomed 
to sift weigh evidence) really mean to tell us, that at this trial the public 
prosecutor had in his possession, or in his power, those five Logan letters, stuffed 
full of the rankest treason in the most prolix detail, and yet thought it not 
necessary, in a case of the highest importance, to libel upon them, or to produce 
them, or even to allude to them ? Would his Majesty's advocate, in a matter 
so deeply afi'ecting his Majesty's interest, have contented himself with founding 
upon a tortured confession, which the culprit might have retracted, and with libel- 
ling upon a scrap of a letter taken from the accused's agonized lips— a scrap that 
will not stand the test of the most cursory comparison with any one of the 
Logan missives, if he at that time really had in his power those five letters 1 
Then Sprot's own confession, which is turned into the libel against him, and 
forms part of the record, puts this matter beyond doubt or question. For he 
distinctly depones that he possessed but one letter, which he repeats from 
memory, and that he never possessed more of this treasonable' correspondence. 
Would he have confessed to a single letter only, when the whole correspondence 
was in his possession ? Or would his Majesty's advocate have made the most 
important discovery that such was the case, without taking advantage of it on 
the trial, or placing a hint of that unexpected discovery on the record ? What 
then becomes of Mr Pitcairn's note, intimating that the public prosecutor had 
not thought it necessary to libel upon more than an " abstract " of ihe five Logan 
letters, which our antiquary assumes to have been in his power at the date of 
the proceedings against Sprot I With the highest respect for that intelligent 
collector's valuable researches, we must say, that loose and partial notes, and 
ill-digested views of evidence, deteriorate the value of such an undertaking, and 
are detrimental to the cause of historical truth in which he labours. Even the 


best historians will think it a sufficient fulfilment of the task of research, upon a 
particular incident, to turn over the groaning pages of Mr Pitcairn's voluminous 
collection, which may be termed the Book of Sighs, and to hasten for assistance 
and relief to his guiding notes ; and thus error enters history {romauthentic records! 

For the first time, then, in the strange proceedings against the bones of the 
unconscious Restah-ig, were those treasonable letters, said to be in his hand- 
writing, produced. Where they had been found, during the interval between 
those two processes, the public prosecutor does not vouchsafe to disclose. His 
summons of treason, and the whole record, is silent upon that subject. He men- 
tions, in the narrative, the now defunct Sprot's part in the drama. " Nor 
was that horrid treason," we translate from the Latin summons, " of the said 
Robert Logan detected, until the deceased George Sprot, at the instigation, as 
it would appear, of divine Providence, for the sake of vindicating our fame from 
the calumnies of wicked men, voluntarily disclosed (ultro patefecit), the said 
treasonable conspiracy, and the guilt of the said Robert Logan therein, in the 
most consistent confessions {constanlissimis confessionibus), which he verified 
(manifestavit) by quoting a letter (.Uteris prolatis) he had received (acceperai) 
from the said James Bour ; and happily confirmed all this by a constant and 
pious death of penitence for the crime he had committed, in so long concealing 
such horrible wickedness." 

In the above translation, we have given his Majesty's advocate credit for not 
having falsely narrated the state of the record in the case of Sprot. But as 
some readers might put a difierent interpretation upon the most important sen- 
tence in the paragraph quoted, that which speaks of the treasonable letter 
which Sprot did not receive, but stole, from Bour, we here give it in the original 
words : — " El dicti quondam Roherti Uteris, quas a dido quondam Jacoho Bour 
acceperat, prolatis, manifestavit." One meaning of the Latin verb profero, is 
to cite or quote. It means also to tell, publish, make known, utter, or pro- 
nounce. Any one of these significations is consistent with the fact, that Sprot, 
in his confession, repeated from memory the substance of a letter which he did 
not produce. For, again, Literis does not mean letters, but a letter. We have 
the authority of Cicero for saying, that "Literas dare ad aliquem" means to 
send one a letter, tind that " itnis literis" means in one letter. On the other 
hand, profero bears the meaning, to profier, hold out, or produce ; and some 
may think that the passage should be translated, " by means of producing 
letters, which he had received from the said James Bour." This translation, 
however, if admissible, would furnish no argument whatever to prove that Sprot 
had received those letters from Bour, and that they were produced at his trial. 
It would only prove that the lord advocate, in the summons of treason against 
Logan, ha^d falsely narrated the state of the record in the proceedings against 
Sprot. The passage, therefore, must be translated consistently with Sprot's 
own confession, and with the advocate's own libel against him. No other his- 
tory of the five letters produced in Logan's case is vouchsafed by the public pro- 
secutor, and no one can tell from whence they came. 

The facts, that Sprot abstracted but one letter from Bour, and only repeated 
that from memory in his confession, and that the public prosecutor simply 
turned his confession into a libel, and produced no letter at all, being proved 
unequivocally by the original record of Sprot's trial, it must be admitted that 
no statement to the contrary, found in any mere chronicler of the period, is of 
the slightest value against that original record. Caldervvood has a loose para- 
graph on the subject, in which he seems to have mixed up the proceedings 
against Sprot and Logan, as if they had been contemporaneous, and one case. 
" Letters were found in his (Sprot's) house," he says, " alleged to be written by 
the umquhill laird of Restalrig to certain persons whose names could not be 
known, because the letters were not directed on the back : a relation was made 
in the letters of the whole proceedings of Cowrie's treason, and about some 
meeting appointed for that purpose betwixt the earl, Mr Alexander, his brother. 


and the said laird, in the house of Fascastle." But it is absolutely certain that 
the'contents of these letters were only known at LogarCs trial a twelvemonth 
after Sprot had been disposed of. Moreover, Sprot himself deponed that he had 
one letter (which he had stolen), and one only, in his house, that from Logan to 
Gowrie ; and the public prosecutor libelled and founded vehemently upon tho 
absolute truth of the whole of his deposition. Had more than one letter been 
in Sprot's house, unquestionably he would have so deponed. Calderwood has 
recorded what Sprot himself contradicts, and what the public prosecutor never 
alleged in cither of those two most suspicious criminal processes. 

Mr Pitcairn does not quote Calderwood in his illustrations; but he has 
printed, along with the proceedings in question, a " curious fragment, among 
the voluminous MS. collections of Wodrow, preserved in the Library of the 
Faculty of Advocates, in an anonymous MS., marked—' Hist, of Church of 
Scotland.'— Rob. III. 2. It is evidently written by some person who entertained 
ideas unfavourable to the reality of the conspiracy." Upon comparing this 
anonymous fragment with Calderwood, we find the two passages to be identical, 
or very nearly so. If this fragment be earlier than Calderwood's History, we 
have here the source of that historian's inaccurate account ; otherwise it may 
be the remnant of an old MS. of his history. 

We now return to the text of our author Spottiswoode, which is something 
more to the purpose. His name stands third in the list of those distinguished 
assessors who sat upon the trial of George Sprot. He was on the scaffold, too, 
at the no less discreditable scene of his execution. Calderwood narrates an 
anecdote curiously coinciding with the sceptical contempt which' our author ex- 
presses in his history, and not a little characteristic of the whole aifair. Mani- 
festly, the entire strength of tho case for the king was left to depend upon the 
culprit's steady adherence to the confession which had been cooked into shape 
by torture, or upon the public faith in that adherence. " A little before the 
execution," says Calderwood, " when Mr John Spotswod, bishop of Glasgow, 
said to Mr Patrick Galloway, ' I am afraid this man make us all ashamed,' Mr 
Patrick answered, ' Let alone, my lord, I shall warrant him ;' and indeed he 
had the most part of the speech to him upon the scaffold." He was the " king's 
minister." Spottiswoode's private conviction unquestionably seems to have been, 
that in the case there was no truth, in the execution no justice. But those were 
times when men of the highest station, and purest character, were too often 
compelled to put their conviction in their sleeve, and their conscience in their 
pocket. Had the treasonable letters been produced on Sprot's trial, or even 
one well authenticated letter, there would have been little reason for the courtly • 
bishop expressing his fear that the wretched man on the scaffold would " make 
us all ashamed." Against such evidence, found in his own repositories, his 
dying recantation would have availed nothing. But not a letter had as yet 
been produced. Spottiswoode says so distinctly in his history. The original 
record of the trial confirms this statement of a judge who was present ; and his 
statement in like manner confirms the record of the trial. The fact shakes the 
credit of this criminal process, and the farce that followed, to the very founda- 
tion; and throws another dark shade of suspicion upon the truth of the Gowrie 
conspiracy. But let us see how this important point has been treated by modern 

1. Dr Robertson records the Sproto-Logan story as a " strange" one, but gives 
credence to it ; manifestly, however, without much consideration, or any research. 
After narrating how the notary of Eyemouth had brought this awful storm upon 
his own head, he goes on to say, — " Both Logan and Bourwere now dead. But 
Sprot affirmed that he had read letters written both by Gowrie and Logan on 
that occasion ; and, in confirmation of his testimony, several of Logan's letters 
— which a curiosity fatal to himself had prompted Sprot to steal from among 
Bour's papers— were produced. Logan's letters were five in number. One to 
Bout, another to Gowrie, and three of them without any direction ; nor did 


Sprot declare the name of the person to whom they were written." (Hist, of 
Scotland, Book viii.) 

In theso sentences, the elegant historian of Scotland makes no distinction, 
either in point of time or testimony, between the two trials, namely, of Sprot 
and of the bones of Logan. He states, as a fact, that the five Logan letters 
were produced at Sprol^s trial, " in confirmation of his testimony ;" and that 
Sprot had stolen them all " from among Bour's papers !" The context proves 
that he means the whole five letters that were produced at the Logan trial ; for, 
in the first line of the sentence, ho says, " several of Logan's letters," and then 
immediately adds in a note, " Logan's letters were five in number — nor did Sprot 
declare the name of the person to whom thei/ were written." What wild work 
is here ! Had the historian consulted the original record, he would have found 
that Sprot himself — the sole authority for this alleged theft of letters — only 
confessed to having stolen a single letter, — which fact was disbelieved by one of 
the principal assessors on his trial, because even that letter was not produced ; 
and the judge's ground of disbelief is confirmed by the original record. 

Under this confused narrative of the state of these separate processes, and 
this imperfect knowledge of the state of the evidence on record, Dr Robertson 
expresses surprise at the scepticism of our author. " Spottiswoode could not be 
ignorant," he says, " of the solemnity with which Logan had been tried, and of 
the proof brought of the authenticity of his letters : he himself was probably 
present in parliament at the trial : the earl of Dunbar, of whom he always 
speaks with the greatest respect, was the person who directed the process 
against Logan : such a peremptory declaration against the truth of Sprot's evi- 
dence, notwithstanding all these circumstances, is surprising." The historian 
then refers to a courtly report (most suspicious in all its terms) from Sir Thomas 
Hamilton (earl of Haddington) to the king, in which the former asserts that 
there was vast unanimity, as to the truth and propriety of the whole proceedings, 
and that none but traitors would "any longer refuse" to declare their belief in 
the Gowrie conspiracy. (See the letter in Pitcairn's Collection). Sir Thomas 
Hamilton was his majesty's advocate for his majesty's interest. As for " the 
solemnity with which Logan was tried " being any reason why Bishop Spottis- 
woode should have believed, so little did he think so himself, that he has not 
deemed the trial of Logan's bones, or the authenticity of those letters, a subject 
worthy of notice at all. Who was there to support the authenticity of those 
letters,— who dared contradict it ? Logan the writer of them, Bour the carrier 
and custodier of them, Sprot who had seen and read them, were all dead before 
those letters were produced. With none to oppose him, with none who dared 
oppose, the public prosecutor for an irresponsible, unscrupulous, and most un- 
principled government, triumphed comparatione literarum, and sang lo pcean 
to the king. Men swore it was the handwriting of Logan, whicli they knew. 
It was particularly noted in evidence, that the now fleshless traitor always 
wrote his " yous " with a y, instead of a ^r,— and there they were ! Never was 
the comparatio literarum more worthless than upon this memorable occasion. 

There are two modes of bringing this imperfect species of evidence to bear upon 
the question of a forgery. If a skilfully forged document, or signature, be laid 
before a witness of competent knowledge and experience, to discover whether it 
be false, and ho, notwithstanding the skill of the imitation, detects, and can 
point out, some difi'erences or peculiarities which assure him of a forgery, this is 
positive evidence of such deficiencies in the imitation, and is proper evidence 
quantum valeat. But if a witness, however experienced and skilful, be brought 
to support the authenticity of a document by such comparison, and swears to 
it because he can see no peculiarity or difference indicatiug forgery, his evi- 
dence is merely negative, and, in a question of forgery, has no weight or value 
whatever. Were it otherwise, every forgery so well executed as to defy com- 
parison, would be proved authentic by that circumstance alone. Of this last kind 
was the evidence upon which even modern historians have so rashly come to the 


conclusion, that the authenticity of those letters had been amply proved. " They 
were compared," says Dr Robertson, " by the privy council with papers of 
Logan's handwriting, and the resemblance was visible: persons of undoubted 
credit, and well qualified to judge of the matter, examined them, and swore to 
their authenticity " / 

This charming historian having arraigned the scepticism of Spottiswoode, we 
are entitled to arraign the credulity of tlie more polished and enlightened mo- 
dern. We are not to suppose that Dr Robertson wrote his history ironically. 
When he records facts, we are bound to understand that he believed them to be 
such. He thus concludes his narrative and argument relating to George Sprot : — 

" He adhered to his confession to the last ; and having promised, on the 
scaffold, to give the spectators a sign in confirmation of the truth of what he 
had deposed, he thrice clapped his hands after he was thrown off the ladder by 
the executioner." 

It will be seen that our author Spottiswoode asserts the same, without any 
expression of scepticism, and he was upon the scaffold. He lived in an age of 
superstition, extreme credulity, and delight in the marvellous. But Dr Robert- 
son ! ! Would the Scots professor have accepted the proposition in this shape \ 
A man launched from the gallows, his power of breatlung suddenly cut off by 
the force of a ligature round his throat, and with the whole weight of his body 
tearing at his spinal marrow from the neck, is, nevertheless, capable at that 
moment of exercising his living faculties, liis memory and his will, as if in un- 
broken continuity from the time when he stood in life upon the scaffold ! All 
this, and no less, is involved in the assertion that Sprot, when sus. per col., 
punctually and exactly performed the promise which he had made (or which 
Mr Patrick Galloway made for him) on the scaffold. That the action was the 
simple one, and perhaps the most convenient for a man hanging, of clapping his 
hands, removes none of the difficulty. If it was the deliberate fulfilment of a 
promise made beforehand, then there is, or may be, complete presence of mind, 
the exercise of memory, and the command of will, all active in a human being 
the moment after the weight of his body has fallen upon his neck from a gallows ! 
That Sprot, under the instructions of " Maister Patrick Galloway the king's 
minister," should have announced the presumptuous promise, may be believed. 
That the convulsive action of the dying or dead man's hands would be repre- 
sented by those interested, and understood by the vulgar or the credulous, as a 
conscious fulfilment of it, is no less likely. But that it should be received and 
recorded as a fact by Dr Robertson, was no more to have been expected, than 
if he had received and recorded this story, physically just as possible, that Sprot 
applied to his nose a pinch of snuff, puUed off his night-cap, and kissed his hand 
to the spectators, immediately after he had been " launched into eternity." 

2. Malcolm Laing, in the first edition of his history, had arrived at the conclu- 
sion, that the Logan letters were forgeries. He submits them to a close and 
searching inspection, and it would not be easy to answer the reasons which he 
there assigns for his very decided opinion. But his argument is crippled by the 
circumstance, that he, too, has fallen into the great mistake of assuming that at 
least one of the letters taken down from Sprot's memory (or his pretended 
memory) in that confession, which the king's advocate simply turned into a libel, 
was actually produced by Sprot at that time. " There were two letters," he 
says, ^''produced at his confession, the one from Gowrie, which of terwards dis- 
appeared, the other a traiiscri^t of Logan's answer, the original of which was 
preserved among his writings, and engrossed in his indictment ; but at Logan's 
posthumous trial, four additional letters were produced ; and although the 
discovery of these might be recent, the letter formerly inserted in Sprot's in- 
dictment was again exhibited in a different form," &c. — (Hist. Book i.) 

It would have been very odd had Sprot, at this confession, produced the ori- 
ginal of Gowrie's letter to Logan, and only a transcript of Logan's to Gowrie, — 
which last only ho admitted to be in his possession. The transcript is a gratuitous 


assumption of Mr Laing's — that historian having perceiyed that the confession 
proved that the letter itself was not produced. It is immaterial to the present 
argument whether Sprot then produced a transcript of the alleged letter, or 
whether the tenor of it was taken down from his memory. But there is no 
authority whatever for the fact assumed, nor is there the least likelihood that 
Sprot .would have been carrying about his person a transcript of that letter, for 
which he referred his examiuators to his private repositories. Neither is there 
the sliglitest authority for assuming that it was engrossed in his indictment /rom 
the original. The confession, and that part of the indictment which embraces 
the letter, are composed ipsissimis verbis. Moreover, the fact, so pointedly and 
justly noticed by Laing, that when the same letter was produced at Logan's 
trial, it xvas not the same, of itself sufficiently proves that the king's advocate 
had formerly recovered no such original letter from the repositories of the tor- 
tured notary as that contained in his indictment. As for the production of " the 
one from Gowrie, which afterwards disappeared," here also the historian has 
rashly assumed a fact, unsupported by, and contrary to, the evidence. Sprot 
himself expressly depones, that the only letter of the alleged treasonable cor- 
respondence that was ever in his possession, was the single one from Logan to 
Gowrie, which he stole from Bour. Can he, then, at the very time he so de- 
poned, be supposed to have produced that other letter from Gowrie to Logan 1 
And if he had, how could it have " disappeared " ? The truth is, it never ap- 
peared ; and the probability is, that it never existed. 

In the second edition of his history, however, Malcolm Laing comes to a 
totally different conclusion, both with regard to the Gowrie conspiracy and tho 
authority of the Logan letters. His recantation affords so curious a specimen of 
a retrograde movement, on the part of an historian of no small account in Scot- 
land, that we must give it entire : — 

" No historical question has ever perplexed me more than the Gowrie con- 
spiracy. From the different copies of the same letter from Logan to Go^vrie, as 
inserted in Sprot's trial, and in Logan's attainder, I did not hesitate, in the first 
edition of this history, to pronounce the whole correspondence a forgery. The 
difference appeared to be still greater upon examining the original Records of 
Justiciary and Parliament, in which Sprot's trial and the attainder of Logan 
are respectively engrossed. At the same time, the absolute identity of the letters 
with Logan's handwriting is attested by such strong and unexceptionable evi- 
dence, that any explanation, sufficient to reconcile the apparent contradiction 
between the different copies of the same letter, should be preferred to the ulti- 
mate supposition of forgery. The explanation which I have now discovered, 
has at last convinced me that the letters are genuine, and that Logan was really 
accessory to the Gowrie conspiracy. 

" Sprot, in his confession (which is preserved by Abbot, but not inserted in 
the Records of Justiciary), recites from memory the substance of Gowrie's letter 
to Logan,' which he had seen with Bour before it was returned to the earl with 
Logan's answer. This answer, also, which he had stolen from Bour, by whom 
it had been sent back to Logan, he proceeds, in the same manner, to recite from 
memory ;- and preserves the most striking expressions and circumstances, but 
with many unavoidable alterations, omissions, and additions of his own. 'Hie 
letter itself was preserved, as he said, among his other papers in a chest at 
Eyemouth ; and the regular mode of procedure undoubtedly was, to have searched 
for tho original, and to have produced it at his trial. But the privy-council 
having obtained his confession on the tenth and eleventh of August, to prevent 

' In his first edition, Laing (wlio was never at a loss for a fact when he wanted it) soys tliat 
Sprot produced tliat letter from Qowrie to Logan. 
' In tlie first edition, he sajs that Sprot produced a transcript of thU letter. 


his retracting it, brought him to trial upon the twelfth ; and he was executed on 

the same day that ho was condemned. The letter recited in his confession was 
inserted in his indictment instead of the original; and from this circumstance, 
Spottiswoode, who sat upon his trial as one of the assessors to the Justice- 
general,' was doubtful whether he should mention the arraignment and execu- 
tion of Sprot in his history ; ' his confession, though voluntary and constant, 
carrying small probability. It seemed a very fiction, and to be a mere invention 
of the man's own brain ; for neither did he show the letter, nor would any wise 
man think that Gowrie, who went about that treason so secretly, would have 
communicated the matter with such a man as this Restalrig was known to be.' 
But the letter itself was discovered afterwards among Sprot's papers,- together 
with four others from Logan to some unknown correspondent on the subject of 
the conspiracy (Cromarty, 92) ; and this explanation of the fact removes the 
seeming contradiction between the diiferent copies of the same letter, as inserted 
in Sprot's indictment and in the attainder of Logan." Edition 1819, vol. iii. 
Note II. p. 538. 

Never did any historian more completely stultify himself than Mr Laing has 
done by this second edition of his views regarding the authenticity of the Logan 
letters, and their bearing upon the truth of the Gowrie conspiracy. It will be 
observed, that this absolute but irrational repudiation of all his former reasoning 
on the subject is entirely based upon the single allegation, that the five letters 
in question were " discovered afterwards among Sprot's papers." What though 
they were ? How would that have proved the authenticity of letters, the con- 
tents of which, as indeed Mr Laing himself has partly shown, in his first edition, 
cannot stand the test of a close inspection and comparison with facts and dates ? 
The inexplicable circumstance is admitted, and most weakly handled by this 
historian, that the public prosecutor himself, with this alleged treasure in his 
possession, neither ventured to use the letters, which were the very foundation 
of his prosecution, on the trial of Sprot, nor to drop a hint that he had found 
them. As the passage in his history proves. Archbishop Spottiswoode, one of 
the principal assessors on that trial, and whose conviction of the truth of the 
proceedings it was essential to secure, was left in ignorance of such a discovery, 
and historically recorded in consequence his utter contempt and disbelief. But 
how, we repeat, would the discovery have authenticated the letters ? Sprot was 
a miserable tool in the hands of unscrupulous power. He was a poor scribe, of 
very bad character, and notorious as an imitator of autographs and forger of 
documents : " prceterea, Scriba tarn fmlix in imitandis chirographis, signisque 
effingendis, ut verane an falsa internosci vix possent." (See Historia Rerum 
Britannicarum, Roberto Jonhstono ; MS. Advocates' Library. Also a copy of 
the same printed at Amsterdam 1655, p. 267.) Were it proved that the public 
prosecutor actually got those missives from Sprot himself, or out of his reposi- 
tories, the fact would only make room for the very prevalent theory, that the 
wretched notary himself, who had been led on to become the instrument of his 
own destruction, had also been made the instrument of a desperate crime of the 

But Mr Laing's recantation is far more faulty and irrational than this. He 
has assumed the fact, inadequate though proved, upon authority that is not of 
the slightest value ; and even that he has misquoted, and stretched beyond its 
limit. It was to be expected, from an historian of his pretension and reputation, 
that so violent a change of opinion, upon a subject of no small historical import- 
ance, would be accounted for, not only by the announcement of some most 

The Justice-general did not preside. It was " Mr William ITairt," one of the Justice- 
deputes, who were often mere cyphers upon such occasions. 

^ But Spottiswoode must have known the fact of the recovery of the original, before writing 
his history, had it been a fact. 


relevant fact, but by that stated upon unequivocal authority, precisely and 
accurately quoted. His fact is, that all the five Logan letters were discovered 
in Sprot's repositories. His whole autliori/;/, and manner of quoting it, is com- 
prehended in this cabalistic parenthesis "(Cromarty, p. 92)." 

That ancient courtier and statesman, George, first earl of Cromarty, when 
eighty-three years of age, published a defence of " The Royal Family in Scot- 
land," against the " Generation of Vipers," who " did suggest and propagate most 
abominable lies against the majesty, honour, and person of King James the Sixth, 
in the matter of Gowrie's conspiracy and punishment thereof." This nobleman 
had been Clerk Register and Justice-general in Scotland, which gave him the 
best opportunities of exploring the records there. As regards the matter of the 
Gowrie conspiracy, he appears to have done so to little purpose ; for of all the 
dissertations and arguments on the subject, of any pretension. Lord Cromarty's 
is the loosest and the worst. Yet he wrote from vantage ground. There were 
few who explored the records in his day, or indeed who had access to them. 
The great Register House of Scotland still reposed in Craigleith quarry ; and 
its most indefatigable searcher, the editor of the Book of Sighs, yet slumbered 
in uncreated dust. Earl Cromarty was not a Pitcairn. He seems to have found 
the original record of Sprot's prosecution, and of the subsequent Logan affair, 
including the Logan letters themselves. But he does not publish a full and 
exact print of all the documents, as we have them now fi-om Mr I'itcairn. The 
consequence of the violent courtly spirit in which he writes, and of his isolated 
command of the original sources of information, is, tliat while he extracts a great 
deal, and with tolerable accuracy, he takes some most important liberties with 
the record, which materially aid his own theory. A notable example is this : 
Professing to give verbatim the confession upon which Sprot was convicted, when 
he comes to that part of it where the miserable notary quotes, or pretends to 
quote, from memory, Goivrie's letter to Logan, instead of inserting that which is 
printed in the confession, our noble author interjects this of his own, — " And 
producing the earl of Gowrie's letter to Restalrig," &c. Thus my Lord Cromarty 
becomes authority for the fact (and the sole authority), that Logan had actually 
produced into the hands of the public prosecutor that important letter from the 
chief conspirator, which ivas never heard of or seen more. The terms of the 
confession itself, however, proves that Sprot produced no letter, and only ad- 
mitted the possession of one, that from Logan to Goivrie, which he said was in 
his repositories. 

Malcolm Laing founds his own recantation upon the alleged fact that the 
whole five Logan letters were found in Sprot's repositories. For this ho quotes 
the noble author, though somewhat briefly and shyly. But the Earl, inclined as 
he is to stretch matters, says no such thing. Ho docs not say that the five letters 
produced at the Logan trial were found among Sprot's papers, as Malcolm Laing 
has it. Did this ingenious historian imagine tliat no individual of the public, 
whom he entertains with his candid recantation, would feel interested to consult 
for himself " Cromarty, 9"2 " I We have done so, and must here lay before our 
readers the whole passage referred to, premising that the Earl is narrating the 
substance of Sprot's confession, and occasionally interjecting a parenthesis of 
his own : — 

" And deponed, that he did abstract (i. e. steal) quietly from James Bour, the 
principal letter written by Restalrig to the earl of Gowrie, which Bour had 
brought back from the earl of Govvi'ie (as was the custom amongst them at that 
time) ; and that when James Bour employed him, Sprot, to look over his papers, 
that he did keep the same, and tliat it was yet in his keeping, and was in his 
chest among his writings, where he left it when he was taken (aud accordingly 
the letter was found there by the Sheriff-depute, who was ordered by Sir 
WiUiam Hart, Lord-justice of Scotland, to seize the said chest, and search for this 
letter, which was found and delivered to the king's advocate)." Cromarty, 92. 
Thus, between " Cromarty, 92," and Mr Malcolm Laing, the whole five cups 


are found iu the sack df Benjamin. But the chief merit is due to Mr Laing, 
who discovers four of them himself, Lord Cromarty having only found one.^ 

We have already seen that the noble author, contrary to the evidence of the 
record before him, had taken the liberty to assert that Sprot, upon the occasion 
of his confession, had produced that mysterious letter from Gowrie to Logan, 
which, as Mr Laing has it, " afterwards disappeared." Notwithstanding the 
precise manner in, which his lordship states that the other letter irora Logan 
to Gowrie, which Sprot admitted to be in his possession, was sought for and 
found, we have every reason to believe that assertion also to rest entirely upon 
the ipse dixit of the octogenarian courtier. We have been unable to discover 
any other authority for the fact; which, however, is not very material to the 
argument of the authenticity of the Logan letters. If the public prosecutor 
could have explained his possession of the whole five letters in the same manner, 
neither would that have been conclusive of the question ; though it would have been 
a little more to the purpose, as Mr Laing had perceived when he so put it. But 
" Cromarty, 92," does not say so. No letter is spoken of in that passage, but the 
single one to which Sprot confessed ; and the only rational conclusion that can be 
arrived at, from the following considerations, is, that no such letter was found. 

1. Sprot was hanged the day after his confession, and without production of 
the treasonable letter which he said was among his papers, in his chest at home. 
It was the merest puerility in Mr Laing to attempt to explain this upon the 
theory, that they hastened to hang their victim lest he should retract his con- 
fession. The letter, if authentic, was worth all the confessions in the world ; and, 
moreover, it would have nailed him to his confession. 2. Neither at Sprot's trial, 
nor when the five letters were produced in the following year, did the public 
prosecutor drop a hint that he had recovered any letter whatever out of Sprot's 
possession ; his own possession of those letters he never pretended to account 
for ; nor in his report to the king, who was so deeply interested, did he say how 
or from whence those letters had been obtained. 3. The discrepancies, between 
the letter quoted in Sprot's confession, and the equivalent produced at Logan's 
trial, are of a nature not to be explained by the theory of an imperfect repetition 
from memoi-y. 4. Lord Cromarty boldly asserts that " Sir William Hart, Lord 
Justice of Scotland," gave orders to the Sherifi" to search for and secure the 
letter deponed to by Sprot ; that this was done, and that the letter was delivered 
to the Lord Advocate. " Maister William Hairt of Preston" was one of the 
Justice-deputes in Scotland, and presided under that designation at Sprot's trial. 
He appears to have been knighted very soon after the trial, and the reason can 
scarcely be doubted. This respectable functionary drew up an ofiicial account 
of the culprit's examinations, confessions, and execution, which was prefaced 
by a long and abject sermon in favour of the king, by Dr George Abbot, dean 
of Winchester, soon afterwards made Primate of England. This ex parte 
account of the matter, so important for his majesty, the courtly dean imme- 
diately published in London. It is reprinted by Mr Pitcairn, and forms the 
authentic record of that confession of Sprot's, so often referred to, upon which 
alone he was convicted. The Justice-depute there records the fact that Sprot, upon 
reinterrogation, said that the letter which he had stolen was in his repositories. 
But, throughout the whole of this particular and ofiicial account, Mr William 
Hart himself does not say that the letter was found, or that he had ordered the 
Sherifi" to search for it. Would he have omitted this most important fact in an 

1 If our space would permit, we could prove, from several striking examples, that Jlalcolm 
Laing was never at a loss for a fact, if such were wanting to complete or to render consistent 
the evidence upon which he happened to be relying. The above is one instance. Again, in 
this second edition of his Gowrie views, we hear nothing of that transcript of Logan's letter to 
Gowrie, which he formerly said that Sprot had produced. He has now no use for it ; so the 
fact is as quietly withdrawn as it was assumed. 


official report, expressly published " for satisfaction of the true-hearted and 
well-afFected subjects to their gracious sovereign, and closing of the mouths of 
his malicious enemies" ? 

The rationality of Lord Cromarty's mind upon the subject, and his competency 
to treat the question of evidence so as to arrive at the soundest conclusion, may 
be tested by the manner in vrhich he handles the incident of Sprot'a intelligent 
communication with the assembled multitude, whilst in mid air he was struggling 
with the agonies of death, Wc must premise, moreover, tliat there is excellent 
contemporary authority for the fact that his arms were pinioned, probably by 
the elbows from behind, as is usual upon such occasions, so as to allow the suf- 
ferer to clasp his hands together, or to use them in prayer, but not to lift them 
high up. Accordingly, the old Latin chronicler, Robert Johnston, already 
quoted, tells us, — " Relegatis post iergum manibus, injecto cervicibus laqueo, cir- 
cutnfusa ingenti multitudine, in forum Edinburgenum ad supplicium tractus est." 
Now let us hear Lord Cromarty upou the miraculous portion of the evidence. 

" I had almost forgotten that which in this action of his death was strange, 
and in a manner marvellous. For being urged by the ministers and others of 
good rank upon the scaffold, that now at his end he should declare nothing but 
the truth, touching the matter for which he suffered, on the peril of his own 
salvation or condemnation of his soul, — he, for the greater assurance of his con- 
stant and true deposition, promised, by the assistance of God, to give them an 
open and evident token before the yielding of his spirit. Wliich he accomplished 
thereafter; for, before his last breath, when he had hung a pretty space, he lift 
up his hands a good height, and clapped them together aloud three several times, 
to the great wonder and admiration of all the beholders ; aud very soon there- 
after he yielded his spirit." (Cromarty, 122.) 

And this leads us to a somewhat amusing point in Malcolm Laing's solemn 
recantation. He had not failed, in the first edition, to treat with due contempt 
the miraculous part of Sprot's confession. In his text (vol. i. p. 52), he narrates 
the incident, but under the ironical qualification, " we are gravely informed ;" 
and then in a foot note, he adds : " The fact, although attested by Spottiswoodo 
in his history, is omitted in the attestation of Sprot's behaviour at his execution, 
subscribed by the same historian, and those who attended on the scaffold. 
Calderwood and Johnston are also silent. The latter informs us that his hands 
were bound ; relegatis post tergum manibus. Such is the credit due to a popular 
story, universally received." But Mr Malcolm Laing changed his opinion on tho 
subject of the Logan letters ; and finding that this barbarously ignorant anecdote, 
or disreputable juggle of " Maister Patrick Galloway, the king's minister," was 
part of the evidence, and relied upon by Cromarty, he had the unpardonable 
weakness, we had almost applied a harsher term, simply to cut out tho ironical 
qualification from his text, to omit his rational foot-note entirely, and thus, in his 
second edition (vol. iii. p. 58), to leave the anecdote standing naked and not 
ashamed, as if he had never doubted the fact ! In this manner did Malcolm 
Laing deal with history. 

3. The indefatigable, the instructive, the amusing Tytler, whose recent his- 
tory of Scotland is the best that has appeared, unfortunately runs riot alto- 
gether upon the Logan letters. There is something in the style of those extra- 
ordinary missives, the mysterious curiosity of their contents, the strain of wild 
and savage romance that pervades them, which seems at once to have attached 
itself to the quaint and imaginative mind of this agreeable historian. He seizes 
upon them, from among the less inviting mass of Mr Pitcairn's illustrations, 
with a natural and irresistible gusto. Ho incorporates them nearly verbatim, 
into his pure and refined text, with all their antique honours, where they show 
like a mask of salvage men in a courtly circle. But the indications of the 
ancient " daynty cheer," in the mysterious recesses of Fastcastle, " a fine hattit 
kit, with sugar, confits, aud wine," and that, too, in " my awin house, where I 
haue keipit my Lord Botbwell in his greatest extremities, say tho king and his 


counsall what they wald"— the dark hints of dealing with the eyil one, at the 
distant seat of forbidden lore where Gowrie is said to have 

" learnt the art that none may name, 

In Padua, far beyond the sea," 

was too picturesque to forego, and too charming to be doubted. Accordingly, 
he pronounces, not merely that the Logan letters are authentic, but that their 
authenticity has never been questioned ! " These letters," says the carried his- 
torian, " explain themselves ; their import cannot be mistaken ; their authenti- 
city has never been questioned; they still exist ; and although they do not open 
up all the particulars of the intended attempt, they establish the reality of the 
Gowrie conspiracy beyond the possibility of a doubt." 

The authenticity of the Logan letters has been more or less questioned, from 
the first moment of their production to the present day. A close examina- 
tion of the proceedings against Sprot (wliich Mr Tytler never touches) shakes 
our faith in the Gowrie conspiracy to pieces. Even at the time, the public and 
intelligent belief in this treasonable correspondence between the Earl of Gowrie 
and Restalrig required to be compelled by that very equivocal character the 
Earl of Dunbar, who had got up the whole affair for the King and his Advocate. 
This we learn from Sir Thomas Hamilton's own report to James — that very letter 
to which Dr Robertson so loosely refers, as affording satisfactory evidence of 
the authenticity of the missives produced at Logan's trial. Sir George Home, 
created Earl of Dunbar, was the king's first favourite and minister. He would 
have gone any length to retain that position. Malcolm Laing characterizes him 
as " an apt and devoted instrument of arbitrary power, an obsequious and op- 
pressive minister." Under the whole circumstances of the case, the following 
passage from the Lord Advocate's letter will scarcely bear out the historian, 
Robertson, in the object of his reference. It must be kept in mind, that upon 
that extraordinary occurrence, no proof whatever was led, except the five let- 
ters produced, and the record of Sprot's trial ; that no link of connection what- 
ever was shown between those letters and Sprot ; that their authenticity was 
so generally disbelieved, that it was thought necessary to authenticate them by 
a proof comparatione literarum ; and that, upon that ex parte and selected evi- 
dence, which, besides, was merely negative, and therefore altogether inconclu- 
sive, the whole case rests. We may here dispense with the antique orthography, 
the original being printed by Pitcairn : — 

" Hearing that sundry of that number (the Lords of the Articles) had precon- 
ceived hard opinions of Restalrig's process, the knowledge thereof, which wrought 
fear and mistrust in the minds of divers your Majesty's well affected subjects, 
did breed in the Earl of Dunbar such care and fervency to remove these impedi- 
ments, that, bending his wits in more passionate manner nor (than) he uses to 
express in common and indifferent matters, he did travail so earnestly with the 
noblemen, and whole remanent Lords of Articles, and solicited some of the most 
learned and best experimented of your Majesty's counsel, to furnish reasons and 
light, to the clearing of the probation of that most heinous treason, and gave to 
myself so earnest charge, and furnished so pregnant, judicious, and clear grounds 
to confirm the summons, and manifest the very circumstances thereof to the 
world, that he left no travail to me but the repetition of the substance of his in- 
formation. To the which having so nearly conformed my discourse as possibly 
I could, it pleased God that the lords of the articles, being happily prepared by 
the deposition of divers honest men of the ministry, and other famous witnesses, 
who, recognoscing umquhile (deceased) Restalrig's handwriting in his treason- 
able missives produced by me, with very sensible and forcible reasons of their 
constant and confident afiirmation, that these missives were written by him, 
when the probation of the summons was referred to the lords' votes, they found 
uniformly, all in one voice, the said summons to be so clearly proven, that they 
seemed to contend who should be able most zealously to express the satisfaction 


of his heart, not only by most pithy words, but by tears of joy — divers of the 
best rank confessing, that that whereof Ihey doubted at their entry in the house, 
was now so manifest, that they behoved to esteem them traitors who should any 
longer refuse to declare their assured resolution of the truth of that treason." 

History may depend upon it, that there is something more at the back of this 
official and courtly report than meets the eye. We who are removed from tho 
influence of the passionate exertions and earnest travail of the Earl of Dunbar, 
and who know that the inability (or perhaps disinclination) of " the most famous 
witnesses" to detect a forgery, is (in a question of forgery) no proper proof of 
authenticity — may be allowed to recur to, and concur in, tho contemporary 
doubts, without the fear of being " esteemed traitors." And here the import- 
ance of that circumstance, which all our best modern historians have misunder- 
stood, becomes manifest. Had those five letters becu obtained from Sprot, and 
produced on his trial, at least the public prosecutor's possession of them would 
have been accounted for. Moreover, Sprot's dying testimony, quantum valeat, 
that they were Logan's letters, and not forgeries, would have been added to the 
mere negative proof of those packed witnesses whose evidence, after all, only 
amounted to this, that tliep could not detect the slightest symptoms of forgery in 
the handwriting. But if it be proved, as we think we have shown by the ori- 
ginal record, that those letters were never exhibited at Sprot's trial, were never 
identified by him, were at no time said by the public prosecutor to have been 
either produced by Sprot, or to have been obtained from his repositories, their 
unexplained production at Logan's trial, their sudden resurrection, as if they 
had been dug up with the bones, casts the darkest fchade of suspicion upon the 
whole proceedings. Produced at Sprot's trial they could not have been; other- 
wise, at that time would have occurred the verification of them. Obtained from 
Sprot's repositories they could not have been ; otherwise Sprot himself would 
have confessed to them ; and his verification of them would have been secured by 
the public prosecutor. Not attending to this important fact has engendered the 
theory that Sprot forged those letters. But Sprot had not been connected with 
the possession of the letters, by the proceedings on either trial. We can find no 
reason to suppose that Sprot forged letters the possession of which were never 
traced to him, however falsely he may have deponed regarding Cowrie's corres- 
pondence with Logan. Then, where and when did the king's advocate get 
those letters ? He neither informs the public nor the king : but he frankly ad- 
mits how much he was indebted to the earnest and passionate travail of the 
king's minister and minion, the earl of Dunbar ; and perhaps he may have been 
indebted to him also for the five Logan letters. ' 

Our author, Spottiswoode, is not the only contemporary historian who has 
recorded his own and the public disbeUef in the Lof/an letters, and in all the 
royal inferences therefrom. Calderwood, whose narrative of the facts is some- 
what loose and confused, may, however, be taken as good evidence of the uni- 
versal feeling on the subject. Notwithstanding poor Sprot's supposed attempt 
to satisfy the public mind by his legerdemain exploit while suspended by the 
neck, the public were not satisfied. " Notwithstanding of Sprot's confessions," 
says Calderwood, " so many as did not believe before were never a wheate the 
more persuaded ; partly because he was a false notary, and could counterfeit so 
finely men's hand-writts, for which cause he was worthy of death ; partly because 
benefit was promised to his wife and children by the carl of Dunbar, and had 
Bufiered both death and torments as a false notary.* The people tvondered 

' There is a general but very loose impression abroad, that Mr I'itcairn, by discovering 
and printing the letters that were produced at Logan's trial, has proval their authenticity ! 
He seems to have been under tliat impression himself. He only proved their existence. 

2 We iiuote from Calderwood, as printed by the Wodrow Society, vol. vi. p. 780. A sentence 
seems to have been printed out of its proper place here. Obviously, however, tho meaning ia, 
that Sprot was a doomed man at any rate, from having forged deeds, and that he was bribed 
<as well as tortured), into his confessions in regard to Logan. 


wherefore Dunbar should attend upon the execution of such a mean man ; and 
surmised, that it was ouly to give a sign token his speech should be interrupted, 
and when he was to be cast over the ladder. Farther, it was unknown to any 
man that ever Gowrie was acquainted with the laird of Restalrig ; yea, such 
was the account men had of Gowrie,- that they thought he would not discredit 
himself by contracting a familiarity with so dissolute a man." Sprot's charac- 
ter as a falsifier of writs has naturally enough given rise to a theory,— especially 
with those who argue under the mistaken idea that the Logan letters were pro- 
duced by him, or found in his repositories,— that by his own hand were those 
extraordinary missives created. A closer attention, however, to facts and dates 
will, we think, entirely dissipate the notion, and cause the suspicion of that 
mysterious crime to rest elsevrhere. 

Assuming the forgery, and that this notary was the forger, two propositions 
must be granted : first, that he had committed the forgery deliberately, and 
under circumstances which inferred prolonged leisure, security, and composure 
of mind ; and, second, that he had thus severely and dangerously taxed his time 
and ingenuity for some specific purpose. Nor do we tliink it much less doubtful, 
from the tenor of the letters themselves, that the specific purpose must have been 
to afford written evidence of a conspiracy between the Gowrie family and Logan 
of Restalrig against the king. Whether this supposed desperate deception would 
have to be traced to the secret and powerful inducements of others, or simply to 
monomania, is not material to the immediate inquiry. Now, zvhen was the for- 
gery accomplished ? Upon the 10th of August 1608, Sprot, after previous exa- 
minations which have not been preserved, and after having suffered the extremity 
of torture, emitted that final deposition which was turned into the libel against 
him. He thei-e narrates generally what he knew, and how he came to know, of 
the correspondence between Logan and Govrrie. He professes to repeat from 
memory some of the substance of that correspondence. He admits that he stole 
0716 of the letters. He admits that that letter is secreted in his repositories at 
Eyemouth. And aU this he depones as a dying man. By admitting so much, 
and the actual possession of one of the letters, he was as irretrievably doomed as 
if he had confessed to the possession of all the letters. It is not at all impossi- 
ble, — indeed, all circumstances considered, it is more than probable, that having 
been led by torture, and by some other inducements behind the scenes, to tell a 
false story, and to invent the scrap of a letter, he had, when pressed, also falsely 
said that it existed in his repositories. But this certainly may be deemed im- 
possible, that supposing him to have actually forged for the specific purpose those 
five Logan letters, he would now have only used them to the extent of a general 
and very imperfect narrative, and the admission of one only of a set of forgeries 
which he had so painfully fabricated for the very purpose of this disclosure. 
The conclusion is inevitable. Upon the 10th of August 1608, Sprot knew no- 
thing whatever about these supposed forgeries. Then, had he forged them sub- 
sequent to that date ? Had the earl of Dunbar (a man perfectly capable of the 
act), induced his wretched victim, by false hopes and promises, to afford him the 
benefit of his expert hand, by concocting those fearful letters after his examina- 
tion on the 10th of August ? Again we say, imposiii/e. Upon the 11th of August 
Sprot was made to adhere to his confession of the day before ; upon the forenoon 
of the r2th he was convicted in terms of that confession ; and he was hanged in 
the afternoon of the same day. If he was unconscious of those elaborate for- 
geries upon the lOlh of August, as his ovni confession we think demonstrates, 
then the Logan letters were not forged by Sprot ; and those letters, whether 
authentic or forgeries, were never in Sprot's possession. This state of matters 
is not only proved by the dying confession of Sprot, but by the Lord Advocate's 
indictment against him. The pubhc prosecutor there distinctly indicates that 
at that time he knew of no such missives in Sprot's possession. This he does by 
explicitly restricting his charge, as regards that particular, to Sprot's surrep- 
titious possession of a single letter, in terms of his own confession. 


The wretched notary of Eyemouth having served the purpose of Government, 
and being hanged, drawn, and quartered (for an alleged offence in its own na- 
ture scarcely tangible), out of the way, the farce was resumed in the following 
year with less of cruelty, but even more of absurdity. The public prosecutor, 
" Tam of the Cowgate," (as the first Lord Haddington was called), appears 
armed with/i-e treasonable letters from Logan of Restalrig to the earl of Gowrie. 
He calls into court the mouldering bones of the dead and buried laird, and pro- 
ceeds to prove that this treason %vas committed by him. The obvious and only 
satisfactory mode of doing so would have been, to trace the possession of those 
letters home to such a quarter as would necessarily or naturally infer the reality 
of the alleged correspondence. They might have been found in the repositories 
of the Gowrie family ; or, as returned letters, in Logan's repositories ; or in that 
of his alleged confidential messenger, " laird Bour." Surely the Lord Advocate 
knew something of their history. He must at least have known how, and from 
whence they came into his own possession. The fact was every thing to the 
case. It was every thing to the doubting and bewildered public, who could not 
fathom these strange proceedings. It was every thing to the Lords of Articles, 
the judges in the case, who were shaking their heads, and putting their tongues 
in their cheeks on the very day of trial. But Tam of the Cowgate was as silent 
as the bones of the accused on that essential point of the case. He does not 
pretend to trace the history, or the acquisition of those letters. He does not 
drop a hint even that they were discovered in the repositories of Sprot. The 
latest confession of that victim, and the Advocate's own indictment against him, 
placed such an allegation out of the question. The Earl of Dunbar having 
primed him to meet the universal cry of forgery, he calls witness after witness, — 
all selected by the excited and travaiVrng Earl, — to prove what ? That they were 
intimately acquainted with Logan's handwriting, and could discover no appear- 
ance of forgery ! And this, without an attempt to trace the past possession, or 
to account for the present possession, of those strange missives, was the Lord 
Advocate's case for King James, and for his prime-minister, the Earl of Dunbar. 
And such is the evidence for their authenticity, by which, although it imposed 
not upon the public mind at the time, our modern historians have suffered them- 
selves to be misled ! 

These considerations, which can only be imperfectly developed within the com- 
pass of an illustrative note, naturally suggest the question, what was the meaning 
of all this iniquitous mystery ? The conduct of the case for the crown no doubt 
inevitably leads to the only rational conclusion, that the public prosecutor 
could not honestly account for those productions. But cui bono the dishonesty ? 
The Gowrie family was destroyed. King James was upon the throne of England. 
If a little more white vrashing, wth regard to the Gowrie conspiracy, seemed 
to be necessary, that purpose was effected, as well as it could be, by the confes- 
sions of the immolated notary. Why was the crazy credit of the Government 
of Scotland, and of its king, to be again perilled in a prosecution which possessed 
no feature of legality, and which bore on the very face of it evidence of the most 
audacious corruption of public justice ? And taking the two trials together, as one 
scheme of tyrannical intrigue on the part of certain powerful and unprincipled 
courtiers, how came it that Loyan of Heslalriy, who by this time had gone to 
where the wicked cease from troubling, was selected as the pretended conspira- 
tor, in concert with the princely and exclusive carl of Gowrie,— a theory which 
instantly provoked the public scepticism ? The limits of this note will not permit 
us to follow out the curious inquiry with that closeness and precision which it 
requires and deserves. But, before leaving the subject, attention may be drawn 
to certain facts, not hitherto observed, which will readily suggest a new theory, 
and may serve as a guide to future investigators of these dark and perplexing 

It is pointedly stated by Calderwood, that the case in which Sprot figured so 
wofuUy was most zealously got up by two great functionaries,— James lord 


Balmerinoch, who was then Secretary of State for Scotland and Lord President ; 
and George earl of Dunbar, Prime Minister, (Hist. p. 779). That the last named 
was active, in the forfeiture of Logan of Restalrig, to a degree of excitement 
which he rarely displayed upon other occasions, we have on the authority of the 
Lord Advocate's letter to King James. Now the coincidence is not a little re- 
markable, that both of these worthies had engaged in money transactions to a 
great extent with Logan, and were deeply indebted to his estate. From the 
record of the Great Seal, it appears, that in the year 1605, Logan's estate of 
Restalrig had passed into the hands of Balmerinoch by purchase. But the price 
had not been paid; and when the laird of Restalrig died, the Secretary was in 
his debt no less than eighteen thousand marks, a large sum in those days. This 
is proved by the register of confirmed testaments, where Logan's is recorded ; 
and by the same it appears that the Earl of Dunbar was also Logan's debtor to 
the amount oi fifteen thousand marks. To that most accurate and obliging 
antiquary, Mr David Laing, I am indebted for an exact transcript of the con- 
firmed testament of Logan of Restalrig, who died in the month of July 1606. 
The confirmation is dated ultimo Jamiarij 1607, not long before the commence- 
ment of the process against the notary Sprot. Among the items of the debts due 
to the deceased occur the following : 

" Item, There was awin to the said umquhill Robert Logane of Restalrig, be 
my Lord of Balmerinoh, the sowme of auchteene thousand markes. Item, Be the 
Erie of Dunbar, the sowme of fyftene thousand markis." 

Lord Balmerinoch, as is well known, became involved in the charge of having 
falsified the king's name in a transaction with the Pope, about the very time of 
the trial of Logan's bones ; and the result of Balmerinoch's trial (also suspected 
of being collusive) rendered his benefiting by the Sproto-Logan imposition out of 
the question. All these matters were entirely ruled by the intriguing Earl of 
Dunbar ; and why that worthy was so earnest in the forfeiture of Logan's 
estate is pretty distinctly indicated by the following extracts from the Register 
of the Privy Seal, for which I am also indebted to Mr Laing. 

" Ane letter maid to his Hienes richt trustie Consigue and werie familiar 
Counsallour, George Earle of Dumbar, of the gift of the eschcit and forfaultour 
of the sowme of fyftene thousand markis Scotis money, restand unpayit be him 
to umquhill Robert Logane of Restalrig, for compleiting the sowme of threttie 
aucht thousand markis of usuall monie of our said Realme, promitit and con- 
ditionit for the lands of Flemyngtoun, with the pertinents, sauld and disponit be 
the said umquhill Robert Logane of Restalrig to our said richt traist Consigne 
his airis and assignais, heritablie and irredimablie, accv jg to the contract of 
alienatioun maid betwixt thame thairanent, registrait in the buikis of Counsall ; 
quharof the said Erie payit to the said umquhill Robert befoir his deceis, at 
divers times, great sowmes of money, extending to the sowme of twentie thrie 
thousand markis ; and sue restis the remanent thairof yet unpayit, extending to 
the sowme above mentionit ; and that in default of the said Robert Logane, for 
not delyverance to the said Erie of the auld evidentis concerning the saidis landis 
of Flemyngtoun, and not fulfilling of certain utheris substantial! heidis and con- 
ditions for the said Robert his pairt," &c. 

" Lykeas his Majestie quytclames and simpliciter dischargeis the said 
George Erie of Dumbar of the particular debt and sowmes quhilk wes unpayit to 
the said umquhill Robert Logane," &c. 

" At Andover the 22d day of August 1609. Per signaturam." 

At the same time appears another grant to Alexander Home of Ronton, the 
Earl of Dunbar's cousin-germaii, " Of the gift of the escheit and forfaultour of 
quhatsumever takis and assedatiouns, lang or schort, of all and sindrie the teynd 
scheavis and utheris teyndis, both personage and vicarage, and ather of thame of 
the parochim and paroche kirk of Horden, lying within the Sherifi'dom of Ber- 
wick, quhilk pertenit of befoir to umqidiill Robert Logane of Restalrig, and now 
VOL. III. 19 


perteining to our Soverano Lord, throw tho proces and dome of forfaultonr 
ordourlie led and deduceit agaiiis the said umquhill Robert," &c.—{Registrum 
Secreti Sigilli, LXXVIII. 1{J09-100 

Since the above note was prepared for the press, there has fallen under the 
editor's observation a pamphlet upon the subject of the Gowrie conspiracy, pub- 
lished in 1849, by the accomplished novelist, G. P. R. James, Esq. Much 
acuteness and some research are displayed in this performance ; and the author 
arrives at a conclusion adverse to all ideas of tho truth of tho Gowrie conspiracy 
— a subject upon which we have not attempted to enter in this note. The new 
views, however, which we hope to have cast upon the actual state of the strange 
criminal processes against Sprot and Logan, instituted by the Earl of Dunbar 
for the king, many years afterwards, will show that those proceedings tend to 
discredit, and not, as generally supposed, to support the truth of the Gowrie con- 
spiracy. Mr James, of course, has noticed tho trial of Sprot, and commented 
upon the treasonable letters alluded to in that process. But he, too, appears 
to have been misled into tho erroneous idea, that Sprot was in possession of 
" a set " of those letters, and not of one letter merely ; for he says (p. 72) " Sprot 
abstracted and kept the same letter [that to which he confesses], and apparently 
others "; and he comes to the conclusion, " that one set of letters, [Sprot's], o^ 
the other [those produced at Logan's trial], or both, were manufactured." But 
Sprot never confessed to more than thepossession of one letter (it would have been 
no worse for his case had it been fifty) ; and, as Archbishop Spottiswoode says, 
that one was never shown. And here we must come into collision with Mr 
James upon the subject of that very paragraph in Spottiswoode's history wliich 
has given rise to this note. Ho founds upon tho contemporary historian's scep- 
ticism, and then (p. 81) gives the passage thus : — 

" Whether or not I should mention the arraignment and execution of George 
Sprot, notary in Eyemouth, I am doubtful. His story seemed a very fiction, 
and to be a mere invention of the man's own brain ; for neither did he show tho 
letter ivhich he said was tvritten by the Earl of Gowrie, nor could any man think 
that Gowrie, who went about that treason so secretly, would have communicated 
the matter with such a man as Restalrig was known to bo." 

We know not where the historical novelist has got that version of Spottis- 
woode containing the sentence which we have printed above in italics. It 
seems to be an interpolated sentence — of course not by Mr James, who is omni 
suspicione major; and, moreover, the vicious text is against his own argu- 
ment. But Spottiswoode never could have written that sentence, as it is quite at 
variance with the rest of the paragraph. This, however, does not appear distinctly 
in Mr James's version, because, besides tho interpolation, something has been 
omitted. We must here repeat the whole paragraph as the historian wrote it : 

" Whether or not I should mention the arraignment and execution of George 
Sprot, notary in Eyemouth, who sufiered at Edinburgh in the August pre- 
ceding, 1 am doubtful ; his confession, though voluntary and constant, carrying 
small probability. This man had deponed, ' That he knew Robert Logan of 
Restalrig, who was dead two years before, to have been privy to Gowrie's con- 
spiracy, and that he understood so much by a letter that fell in his hand, written 
by Restalrig to Gowrie, bearing, that he would take part \vith him in tho revenge 
of his father's death, and that his best course should be to bring the king by sea 
to Fast Castle, where he might be safely kept till advertisement came from those 
with whom the earl kept intelligence.' It seemed a very fiction, and to be a 
mere conceit of the man's own brain ; for neither did he show the letter, nor 
could any wise man think that Gowrie, who went about that treason so secretly, 
would have communicated tho matter with such a man as this Restalrig was 
known to be."— (See supra, p. 200.) 

The sentence which Mr James's version omits, distinctly proves that the pas- 
sage interpolated could not have been written by Spottiswoode. It is only of 


the letter " by Restalrig to Gowrie " that he speaks ; and there is no reference 
whatever in the whole paragraph to the letter from Gowrie to Restalrig. More- 
over, he could not have meant to complain that this last letter was not shown, 
for Sprot himself only confessed to the possession of the former letter ; and the 
historian could not be so unreasonable as to expect that Sprot should " show 
the letter " which he did not pretend to possess. 

We know not how Spottiswoode's text has come to be thus seriously blundered 
in a disquisition so elaborate as Mr James's ; but we exonerate that gentleman 
from any intention whatever to misquote our author.— E,] 

NOTE II.— P. 214. 


[A cuEious illustration of the state of the Highlands, to which our author here 
refers, and of the feeling against the " heilland broken men," will be found in the 
following contract of mutual defence, the original of which is among Lord Napier's 
archives. The great Napier, whose signature is attached, besides the rich barony 
of MerchistoD, possessed one-fourth of the Levenas, or Lennox, by inheritance 
from his ancestress, Elizabeth Menteith, co-heiress of Lennox and Rusky : 

" At Edinburgh, the 24 day of December, the year of God 1611, it is apoyntit, 
agreeit, and finallie contractit, betwixt Johnne Napier of Merchiston on the ane 
pairt, and James Campbell of Laweris, Coline Campbell of Aberurquhill, and 
Johnne Campbell their brother-germane, on the uther pairt, in manner, forme, 
and effect as eftir followis ; to wit, forsamekill as baith the saids parteis respect- 
ing and considdering the mutuall amitie, friendship, and guidwill quhilk hes 
been thir divers yeiris bygane betwixt the Lairds of Merchiston and Laweris 
and their houssis, and willing that the lyk kyudness, amitie, and frendship, sail 
still continew betwixt thame in tyme coming ; thairfoir, the saidis James Camp- 
bell of Laweris, Coline and Johnne Campbellis thair breither, faithfully pro- 
mittis, that in case it sail happin the said Johnne Napier of Merchistoun, or his 
tennentis of the landis within Menteith and Lennox, to be trublit or oppressit 
in the possessioun of thair said landis, or their guidis and geir, violentlie or be 
stouth of the name of M'Grigour, or ony utheris heilland broken men ; in that 
case, the said James, Coline, and Johnne Campbellis to use thair exact dilligence 
in causing searsch and try the committaris and dears of the said crymes ; and, 
on the uther pairt, the said John Napeir of Merchistoune promittis and oblissis 
liim and his airis to fortifie and assist with the saidis James, Coline, and 
Johnne Campbellis, in all their leisum and honest effairis, as occasioun sail offer; 
and herit baith the said parteis faithfullio promittis, binds, and oblissis thame, 
hinc bide, to utheris. In witnes of the quhilk thing (-written be George Ban- 
erman, servitor to Antone Quhite, writer in Edinburgh), baith the said pairties 
have subscryvit this presentis with thair hands, day, yeir, and place foirsaid, 
befoir thir witnesses ; Johnne Napier, sonne lauchful to the said Laird of Mer- 
chistoun ; Alexander Menteith, his servitour ; William Campbell, sone naturrell 
to the said Laird of Laweris ; and the said George Bannerman. 

James Campbell of Laweris. 
Jhone Nepair of Merchistoun. 
JnoNE Campbell of Ardewiiane. 
CoLEiNE Campbell of Aberurquhill.— 'E.'\ 


Abbeys, or Monasteries, founded, i. 
70, 71 ; observations on the objects 
and utility of, ib. 

Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, absolves the Marquis of Huntly 
from excommunication, iii. 23'2 ; 
complaint against for this act, ib. ; 
defended by James VI., iii. 232, 233 ; 
letter of, to Archbishop Spottiswoode 
in explanation of his conduct, iii. 233, 
234, 235. 

Abel, Arch-Dean of St Andrews, elect- 
ed Bishop of St Andrews, i. 88 ; conse- 
crated at Rome by Pope Innocent IV. 
i. 89 ; death of, ib. ; character of, ib. 

Aberdeen, Bishops of, i. 199-210, 235- 

Diocese of, i. 59. 

King's College and University 

founded, i. 207. 

General Assembly at, iii. 235. 

Abernethy, the burial place of the 

Scottish St Bridget or St Bride, i. 
22 ; the alleged capital of the Pictish 
kingdom, i. 46. 

Achaius, King of Scotland, and Char- 
lemagne, King of France, alleged 
league of, i. 41. 

Adam, Bishop of Caithness, i. 85. 

Adamnanus, Bishop, account of, i. 35, 36. 

Adamson, Patrick, titular Archbishop 
of St Andrews, opposition of the 
Presbyterians to, ii. 202, 337 ; death 
and character of, ii. 415. 

Adrian, first Bishop of St Andrews, 
killed, i. 51. 

Aidanus, Bishop, converts the Saxons, 
i. 27, 28 ; death of, i. 28. 

Aidanus, King of Scotland, i. 17, 18 ; 
crowned by St Columba, i. 18 ; vic- 
tory over Brudeus, King of the Picts, 
i. 19; death of, i. 19,21. 

Albany, Robert Stuart, first Duke of, 
Regent, conduct of, i. 122, 123. 

Alcuinus, celebrity of, i. 42, 43. 

Alexander I., Iving of Scotland, letter 
of, to Radolph, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, to send a successor to Turgot, 
Bishop of St Andrews, i. 65. 

complains of the Archbishop of 

York, ib. 

Alexander I., founds Scone and Inch- 
colm Abbeys, i. C8. 

benefactions of, ib. 

Alexander II., accession of, i. 84; coro- 
nation of, ib. ; protects the Church 
of Scotland against the demands of 
Rome, ib. ; death of, i. 88 ; interred 
at Melrose, ib. ; inscription on his 
tomb, ib. 

Alexander III., accession of, i. 88; 
death of, i. 94 ; death of all the chil- 
dren of, ib. 

Alexius, Sub-Dean of the Roman See, 
arrival of, i. 79. 

Alpin, King, killed, i. 45. 

Alwinus, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 54. 

Amphibalus, first Bishop at lona, i. 6. 

Andrew, St. the Apostle, relics of, 
brought to Scotland, i. 8, 9 ; mira- 
culous appearance of, i. 44, 45. 

Andi-ews, St. constituted the seat of 
the chief Bishop of Scotland, i. 46. 

Bishops of, i. 51-193 ; i. 227-230. 

Diocese of, limits of, i. 59. 

Bishops of, consecrated at York, 

i. 65. 

Priory of, founded, i. 71. 

constituted a royal burgh, ib. 

Cathedral, founded, i. 72, 73. 

Cathedi-al, destroyed, i. 276. 

murder of Cardinal Beaton in the 

Castle of, i. 164, 165. 

Archbishopric, constituted by Pope 

SixtusIV., i. 116; opposition to the 
primacy of, ib. 

contests for the Archbishopric of, 

i. 122, 123. 

Castle, siege of, i. 166, 173 ; sur- 
render of, i. 174. 

University of, founded, i. 112, 113; 

first Professors in, ib. 

New College, or St Mary's Col- 
lege, founded by Archbishop James 
Beaton, i. 134. 

state of the University of, iii. 66, 

67 ; resolutions concerning the Uni- 
versity of, ib. 

dissensions in the Presbytery of, 

in the case of Leuchars parish, ii. 416, 

Andrewes, Dr Lancelot, successively 



Bishop of Chichester, El)', and Win- 
chester, preaches at the opening of 
tho Hampton Court Conference, iii. 
177 ; opinion of, on tlie ordination of 
presbyters witliout bishops, iii. '209. 

Angelramus, or Ingelramus, Bishop of 
Glasgow, i. 73. 

Angus. Archibald Douglas, eighth Earl 
of, death and character of, ii. 389, 

Angus, William Douglas, tenth Earl of, 
escape of, ii. 423 ; •submits to the 
Church, iii. Gi ; retires to France, iii. 
208 ; death of, ib. 

Anne of Denmark, Qneen of James VI., 
coronation of, ii. 408. 

state entrance of, into Edinburgh, 

ii. 408 ; death of, iii. 258. 

Arbnthnot, Alexander, Principal of 
King's College, Aberdeen, death of, 
ii. ;U!) ; account of, ib. 

Archbishops of St Andrews and Glas- 
gow, rules for the residence and visi- 
tations of, iii. 210. See Bishops. 

Argv 11, foundation of the Diocese of, i. 

Bishops of, i. 225, 226, 258, 259. 

Argyll, Archibald Campbell, seventh 
Earl of, appointed Lieutenant of The 
Isles for six months, iii. 192 ; autho- 
rized to extirpate the Clan Gregory 
or Macgregor, iii. 213,214 ; becomes 
a Roman Catholic, iii. 257 ; exiled, 
ib. ; suspected of a design to disturb 
the country, ib. ; allowed to return to 
England, ib. 

Armstrong, William, called Kinmonth 
Willie, seized by the English, and im- 
prisoned in Carlisle Castle, iii. 1, 2 ; 
rescue of, by Scott of Buccleuch, iii. 
2, 3, 4. 

Arnold, Abbot of Kelso, Bishop of St 
Andrews, i. 72. 

Arran, James Hamilton, second Earl 
of, appointed Regent, i. 141 ; de- 
nounced by the clergy .as a favourer of 
heretics, i. 143; resigns the regency, i. 
182. Sec Chatelhcrault (Duke of). 

Arran, James Hamilton, third Earl of, 
eldest son of the Duke of Chatelhcr- 
ault, disorderly conduct of, i. 323 ; 
opposes the Roman Catholic service, 
ii. 7 ; rumoured violence intended by, 
to Queen Mary, ii. 1 5 ; informs Queen 
Mary of a design to murder the Earl 
of Moray, ii. 1 7 ; examined before the 
Privy Council, ib.; supposed insanity 
of, ib. 

Arran, title of Qarl of, restored to the 
right possessor, ii. 334. 

Arran, Earl of. ^o Stewart (Captain 
James.) "^ 

Articles, tho Five, sanctioned in the 
General Assembly at Perth, iii. 255, 
256, 257.' 
Ascension Day, Festival of, enjoined to 

be observed, iii. 257. 
Assembly, General, at Linlithgow, iii. 
183 ; proceedings of, iii. 184-187. 

Assembly, how to be convened, and the 
constituent members of, iii. 211. 

at Glasgow in 1609, acts of, rati- 
fied by the Parliament, iii. 217, 218. 

at Aberdeen, resolutions of, iii. 

235, 236, 237 ; opposition of the min- 
isters to the resolutions of, iii. 241- 

at Perth, iii. 252 ; commissioners 

to, ib. ; letter from James VI. to, iii. 
252, 253, 254 ; the Five Articles en- 
acted in, iii. 255, 25G, 257 ; ratifica- 
tion of in Parliament, iii. 261. 

Athelstane, an alleged King of the West 
Saxons, or of Northumberland, de- 
feated and killed, i. 44, 45. 

AthoU, John Stewart, fourth Earl of, 
deatli of, ii. 263 ; said to have been 
poisoned by the Earl of Morton, ib. 

Augustine, arrival of, in Britain, i. 22 ; 
sent by Gregory VII. to convert the 
English Saxons, ib. ; converts King 
Ethelbert, ib. ; demands to be recog- 
nised as the only Archbishop of 
Britain, ib. ; labours of, i. 22, 23 ; 
troubles caused by, and death of, i. 
22, 23. 

Babington, Anthony, a Roman Catho- 
lic gentleman, conspiracy of,in favour 
of Queen Mary against Queen Eliza- 
beth, ii. 349. 

Bagimont's Roll, notice of the list of 
Scottish benefices enumerated to pay 
taxes in, i. 93. 

Balcanqual, Walter, one of the min- 
isters of Edinburgh, preaches against 
the Duke of Lennox, ii. 284 ; defends 
himself, ib. ; flight to England, ii. 

Baldred, St. of the Bass, known as the 
Apostle of East Lothian or Hadding- 
tonshire, account of, 1. 21. 

Balfour, Sir James, one of the mur- 
derers of Henry Lord Darnley, ap- 
pointed keeper of Edinburgh Castlo 
by the Earl of Bothwell, ii. 49. 

Balfour, Sir Michael, first Lord Bal- 
four of Burleigh. See Burleigh. 

Baliol, John, King of Scotland, coro- 
nation of, i. 97; opposes Edward I. 
of iMigland, i. 98 ; compelled to sub- 
mit, ib. 

Balmerino, James Elphincstone, first 
Lord, arrested on a charge of high 
treason, and sent to Scotland, iii. 197, 
i;»8, 199; trial of, iii. 202, 203, 204 ; 
conviction of, iii. 204 ; sentenced to 
be executed, ib.; remission, ib.; death 
of, ib. ; character of, iii. 205. See 
Elphincstone (.Sir James). 

Balnaves, Henry, of Hallhill, i. 144, 

Baneho, or Banquo, murder of, i. 57, 

Bancroft, Dr Richard, Archbishop of 
Cantcrbury,opiuion of, on the ordina- 
tion of presbyters without bishops, 
iii. 209. 



Bane, James, elected Bishop of St An- 
drews, i. 109. 

Baptism of James VI. in Stirling Cas- 
tle, account of the, ii. 41, 42. 

Baptism, Sacrament of, regulations for 
the administration of, in public and 
private, iii. 255, 256. 

Barlow, Dr William, successively 
Bishop of Rochester and Lincoln, 
preaches at the opening of the Hamp- 
ton Court Conference, iii. 177. 

Beaton, Cardinal David, Archbishop of 
St Andrews, history of, i. 134-10"5 ; 
assassinated in the Castle of St An- 
drews, i. 164, 165 ; murderers of, i. 

Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glasgow, 
elected Archbishop of St Andrews, i. 
123 ; death of, i. 134 ; founder of St 
Mary's or the New College, St An- 
drews, i. 1 34. 

Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glasgow, 
death of, iii. 139 ; account of, iii. 139, 

Bedford, Francis Russell, second Earl 
of, arrives in France from Queen 
Elizabeth, ii. 1. 

Bellarmine, Cardinal, controversy of, 
with James VI., iii. 197. See Bal- 
meriuo (Lord) or Elphinestone (Sir 

Benedict XIII., Pope, obedience of 
Scotland to, i. 111. 

Benham, David, elected Bishop of St 
Andrews, i. 87. 

Binning, Sir Thomas Hamilton, first 
Lord, afterwards Earl of Melrose 
and Earl of Haddington, preferments 
of, iii. 214, 215. See Hamilton (Sir 

Bishops, Scottish, and clergy, proceed- 
ings of, in ecclesiastical affairs, i. 84, 
85 ; complaint to Rome against Car- 
dinal Guallo, ib. ; privileges to the, 
conferred by Pope Honorius III., 
i. 86. 

Bishops-Elect, Scottish, at Rome,i. 91. 

Bishops, Scottish, lists of, i. 227-261. 

Bishops, Scottish, act for the restitution 
of, in all the Dioceses, iii. 176 ; ex- 
planation of, ib. 

consecration of three, in the Chapel 

of London House in 1609, iii. 209; 
speech of James VI. to, ib. ; objec- 
tions to the consecration of, without 
episcopal ordination discussed, ib. 

regulations for the election of, iii. 


position and duties of, in the Gen- 
eral Assemblies, stated by James VI . , 
iii. 241. 

address of James VI. to, at St An- 
drews, iii. 245. 

Bishoprics, Scottish, internal state of 
the, iii. 82. 

Blacater, or Blackadder, Robert, Bi- 
shop of Glasgow, first Archbishop of 
Glasgow, i. 120. 

Black, or Blake, David, minister at St 

Andrews, treasonable sermons of, iii. 
1 3 ; reviles Queen Elizabeth, ib. ; 
case of, iii. IS, 16, 18, 19. 

Blackness Castle, sale of, ii. 1 75. 

Blanks, the Spanish, account of the 
device and intention of the, ii. 425, 426. 

Boece, or Boethins, Hector, first Prin- 
cipal of King's (Jollege and Univer- 
sity, Aberdeen, notice of, i. 135. 

Bocrnellus, a Scottish Bishop, favours 
marriage of the clergy, i. 54, 55. 

Bohemia, the war in, iii. 259. 

Bonifacius, arrival of, in Scotland, i. 
37, 38. 

Borders, fends on the, ii. 198 ; state of 
the, ii. 259. 

Borthwick, Sir John, prosecution of, i. 
138 ; charges of heresy against, i. 
138, 1.39 ; flight of, i. 139 ; condemna- 
tion of, ib. 

Bothwell, Adam, Bishop of Orkney, 
marries Queen Mary to Bothwell, ii. 
54 ; deposition of, ii. 83; history of, 
note, ii. 71-80 ; reponed, ii. 93. 

Bothwell, James Hepburn, fourth Earl 
of, hatred to Lord Darnley, ii. 41 ; 
the favourite of Queen Mary, ib. ; 
plots of,ii. 16; accusations of, against 
the house of Hamilton, ib. ; resolves 
to murder the Earl of Moray, ii. 17 ; 
impi'isoned in Edinburgh Castle, ii. 
18 ; recalled from exile, ii. 26 ; again 
plots to murder the Earl of Moray, 
ib. ; flight to France, ib. ; publicly 
accused as the principal murderer 
of Lord Darnley, ii. 47, 48; alleges 
that the Earls of Moray and Morton 
were the contrivers, ii. 48 ; im- 
peached by the Earl of Lennox, ii. 
49 ; imprisonment of, ib. ; offers him- 
self for trial, ib. ; secures Edinburgh 
Castle, ib. ; mock trial of, ii. 49, 50 ; 
names of the jury on,ii. 50; acquitted, 
ib. ; reasons foi% ib. ; popular hatred 
to, ii. 51 ; gives an entertainment to 
the nobility, ib. ; seizes Queen Mary, 
ib. ; conveys her to Dunbar Castle, 
ib. ; divorced from his Countess, ii. 
52 ; marriage of, to the Queen, ii. 54; 
combination against, iii. 55 ; pro- 
clamation against, ii. 57,58 ; flight of, 
ii. 62 ; retires to Orkney, ii. 81 ; pur- 
suit of, ii. 82 ; escape of, ib. ; impri- 
sonment and death of, in Denmark, 
ii. 1 38. 

Bothwell, Francis Stewart, Earl of, 
conduct of, ii. 333; denounced a rebel, 
ii. 395 ; imprisoned, ii. 398 ; escape 
of, ii. 412 ; forfeited and declared a 
traitor, ii. 412, 413; plots of, ib. ; at- 
tempts of, against James VI., ii. 417- 
419 ; retires to the North, ii. 419 ; 
invades James VI. at Falkland, ii. 
421, 422 ; adventures of, ii. 423, 424; 
surprises the King in Holyrood Pa- 
lace, ii. 422, 423, 424, 425. 

Bowes, Sir William, arrival of, as am- 
bassador from England, at Edin- 
burgh, iii. 79. 



Boyd , James, titular Archbishop of G las- 
gow, ii. 1 7'2 ; death of, ii. 257. 

Brechin, Bi:^llopric of, founded, i. G9. 

Bishops of, i. ilJ, -213, •24-2--24'l. 

Brice, Bishop of Moray, i. 85. 

Brigida, St, commonly called St Bride, 
sanctity of, i. 22 ; born in Caithness, 
ib. ; death of, ib. ; interred at Aber- 
nethy, ib. 

Brigida, a native of Sweden, notice of, 
i. 22. 

Britain, Archbishop of, the exclusive 
title of, claimed by Augustine, i. 22. 

Britain, introduction of the Gospel into, 
i. 2. 

Britons, defeat of the, by the Scots and 
Picts, i. 11. 

Britons and Saxons, conflicts of, i. 26. 

Bruce, King Robert, account of, i. 103- 
107 ; death of, i. 107. 

Bruce, Robert, minister at Edinburgh, 
popularity of, ii. 379 ; crowns Queen 
Anne, ii. 408; conferences of, with 
James VI., iii. 7, 8 ; banished from 
Scotland, iii. 90; pardoned, iii. 103. 

Brudeus, King of the Picts, i. 18, 19 ; 
killed, i. 45. 

Buccleuch,Sir Walter Scott, first Lord 
Scott of, surprises Carlisle Castle, iii. 
2, 3, 4 ; imprisoned, iii. 5. See Arm- 
strong, alias Kinmont Willie. 

Buckeridge, Dr John, successively Bi- 
shop of Rochester and Ely, preaches 
at the opening of the Hampton Court 
Conference, iii. 177. 

Buchanan, George, opinions of, on the 
episcopal order refuted, i. 13; impri- 
soned in the Castle of St Andrews, 
i. 134 ; escape of,ib.; appointed joint 
preceptor to James VL, ii. 223; death 
of, ii. 299 ; account of, i. 299, 300. 

Buchanan, Thomas, minister of Ceres 
in Fife, death of, iii. 77. 

Burleigh, Sir ^Michael Balfour, first 
Lord Balfour of, ojiposes a grant of 
money to James VI., iii. 218; dis- 
missed from the Privy Council, ib. ; 
challenges Lord Scone, ib. ; impri- 
soned in Edinburgh Castle, ib. 

Caithness, Bishopric of, founded, i. 59. 

Bishops of, i. 21b-, 217, 218, 248, 


Earl of, ordered to suppress a re- 
bellion in Orkney^ iii. 220 ; lands at 
Kirkwall, and besieges the Castle, ib. 

Calderwood, David, banishment of, iii. 

Candida Casa, or Galloway, Bishops of, 
i. 12 ; origin of the name of, ib. 

Canon, Paschal, noto on the, i. 47-50. 

Carmelites, fii-st appearance of, in Scot- 
land, i. 9) ; settle at Perth, ib. 

Carnegy, David, of CoUuthie, death of, 
iii. 77. 

Carthusian monastery at Perth founded, 
i. 113. 

Cathedrals, Scottish, enjoined to bo re- 
paired by the Bishops, iii. 210. 

Cary, Sir Robert, address of, to James 
VI., ii. 3(J3, 3(;4. 

Censures, Church, how to be adminis- 
tered, iii. 210, 211. 

Chancellor of Scotland, remarks on the 
oflSce of, in early times, i. 82, 83. 

Charlemagne, King of France, alleged 
league of, with Achaius, King of Scot- 
land, i. 41. 

Charles I., birth of, iii. 91 ; proposed 
marriage of, to the Infanta of Spain, 
iii.2G5 ; proceeds to Spain, ib. ; mar- 
riage of, frustrated, iii. 26G, 2C7, 2G8 ; 
returns to England, iii. 268. 

Charterhouse. See Carthusian Monas- 

Chatelherault, Duko of, and others, re- 
tire to England, ii. 32 ; interposition 
of Queen Elizabeth in favour of, ib. ; 
opposes the government of the Regent 
^loray, ii. 107-112 ; imprisoned, ii. 
112 ; released, 123 ; death of, ii. 199. 

Chattan, Clan, or Macintosh, support 
Queen Mary on her arrival at Inver- 
ness, ii. 21. 

Chilianus, travels of, i. 36. 

Chi-istianity, introduction of, into Scot- 
laud, i. 2. 

earlv preachers of, in Scotland, i. 

8, 11, 12, 14,15,16,17. 

Christmas Day, Festival of, ordered by 
James VI. to be observed in Scot- 
land, iii. 248, 249, 257. 

Church, General Assembly of the, peti- 
tions of the, against Popery, ii. 28, 29. 

General Assembly, replies of, to 

Queen Mary, ii. 33, 34. 

General Assembly of the, indigna- 
tion of, ii. 43, 44. 

Assembly, letter of, to the Church 

of England, ii. 44, 45, 46. 

Assembly, articles ratified by the, 

ii. 65, 66, 67. 

new arrangements of the, ii. 167, 

168, 171, 172. 

policy of the, ii. 233-256; presented 

to the Parliament, ii. 256. 

General Assembly, quarrel of, with 

the Court of Session, ii. 413, 414. 

questions proposed for the regula- 
tion of the, iii. 41-45. 

orders for the internal government 

and discipline of, iii. 210, 211, 212. 

protestation to James VI. against 

alterations in the service of, iii. 242, 
243, 244. 

Church rents, divisions of, ii. 15. 

Churches, parish, plundered and de- 
faced, i. 372. 

Civil war, cruelties practised in the, ii. 

Clement, Bishop of Dunblane, i. 87. 

Clergy, celibacy of the, controversy on, 
i. 54, 55. 

Cockburn, Patrick, notice of, i. 192. 

Coldinghani Abbey constituted aPriory, 
i. 65. 

Colman, disputation of, on tho obser- 
vance of Easter, i. 29-34. 



Columba, St, notice of, i. 14, 

return of, to Scotland from Ireland, 

i. 17. 

companions of, i. 17. 

crowns Aidanus, King of Scotland, 

i. 18. 

retires to lona, i. 18. 

piety of, i. 19. 

death of, ib. 

burial-place of, ib. 

Commission, lli^h Court of, in Scotland, 
forecclosiastical causes, instituted, iii. 
210 ; objects and regulations of, iii. 
210, 211, 212 ; number of members of, 
iii. 212 ; mode of proceedings of, iii. 
212, 213 ; privileges and duties of the 
members of, ib. ; proclamation of, ib.; 
uupopularity of, ib. 

Confession of Faith, ratification of, in 
Parliament, ii. 83. 

Confirmation, rite of, enjoined to be ob- 
served, iii. 256. 

Congallus II. King of Scotland, account 
of,i. 16,17. 

Congregation, the Scottish Reformers 
so styled themselves, i. 267. 

resolutions of the,i. 274 ; proceed- 
ings of, i. 277, 278. 

Lords of, articles accepted by the, 

i. 285, 286. 

Constance, Council of, decision of the, 
i. 111. 

Constantine II., convention held at 
Scone by, i. 52. 

Convallanus of lona, account of, i. 21. 

pupils of, i. 21, 22. 

Convallus of Inchinnan, predictions of, 
i. 21. 

Coronation of Anne of Denmark op- 
posed as a Jewish ceremony, ii. 407 ; 
performed at Holyrood, ib. 

Council, general, of ail Bishops of Chris- 
tendom summoned by Gregory IX., 
i. 88. 

Council, Scottish Privy, rules to be ob- 
served by the, iii. 212, 213. 

Couper, John, minister of Edinburgh, 
insolence of, ii. 356. 

Couper, William, Bishop of Galloway, 
and Dean of the Chapel - Royal, 
preaches the funeral sermon on the 
death of Archbishop Gladstaues in 
the parish church of St Andrews, iii. 
227; opposes the intended ornaments 
in the Chapel-Royal of Holyrood at 
Edinburgh, iii. 239; reproved by the 
King, ib. ; preaches before James VI. 
at Dumfries, iii. 248; death and char- 
acter of, iii. 258. 

Crab, Gilbert, notice of,i. 135, 13G. 

Craig, John, one of the ministers of 
Edinburgh, refuses to proclaim the 
bans of marriage between Queen 
Mary and the Earl of Bothwell, ii. 
52, 53, 54. 

compiles a Confession of Faith by 

order of James VI., ii. 2G8. 

death and cliaracter of, iii. 91, 92; 

life of, iii. 92-94 

Craigmillar Castle, proceedings at, 
against Darnley, called the " Confer- 
ence of Craigmillar," ii. 41. 

Cranstoun, Sir William, deprived of the 
command of the Border troops, iii. 
214 ; created a peer by the title of 
Lord Cranstoun, ib. 

Cratilinth, King of Scotland, i. 4, 5, 7. 

Craw, Paul, burnt for heresy at St An- 
drews, i. 112. 

Crossraguel, Abbot of. See Kennedy 

Crusades, notices of the, i. 80, 81. 

Culdees, account of, i. 6. 

extinction of the, i. 101. 

Cumin, or Comyn, family of, influence 
of, i. 84. 

Cupar-Fife,hostile meeting of the Lords 
of the Congregation against the 
Queen Regent near, i. 277. 

Dalgliesh, Nicol, minister at St Cuth- 

bert's, imprisoned, ii. 321. 
Daruley, Lord, arrival of, ii. 25; notice 

of, ii. 25. 
meets Queen Mary at Wemyss 

Castle, ii. 25. 

rumoured marriage of, to Queen 

Mary, ii. 26. 

created Duke of Rothesay, ii. 27 ; 

marriage of, to Queen Mary, ii. 31 ; 
proclaimed king, ib. ; resorts to the 
preaching of John Knox, ib. 

quarrels of, with Queen Mary, ii, 

35 ; contemptuous treatment of, by 
Queen Mary, ii. 40, 41, 42, 43. 

illness of, ii. 43 ; removed to Glas- 
gow, ib.; supposed to be the efiects of 
poison, ib. 

removal of, from Glasgow to Edin- 
burgh, ii. 47 ; murdered, ib. ; perpe- 
trators, ii. 48. 

D'Aubigny, Lord, arrival of, ii. 266 ; 
created Earl of Lennox, ib. ; Esme 
Stuart. See Lennox (Duke of). 

David I. King of Scotland, munificence 
of, i. 69, 70, 71 ; defence of, i. 70. 

David, a presbyter, notice of, i. 71, 72. 

Davidson, John, opposes coronations, 
ii. 407. 

extraordinary letter of, to tho 

General Assembly, iii. 97, 98. 

Deans of Chapters, Scottish, duties of, 
iii. 211. 

Denmark, embassy to, against Both- 
well, ii. 138. 

Dinmure, Sir John, Knight, excommu- 
nication of, i. 90. 

Dioceses, Scottish, regulations for the 
government of, iii. 210. 

Discipline,orChurchfolicy, First Book 
of, i. 331-371, framed by John Knox, 
i. 371 ; ratified, i. 373. 

Donald I. King of Scotland, conversion 
of, i. 2, 4. 

dissolute government of, i. 52. 

Donald IV. King of Scotland, i. 27. 

Donaldbane, flight of, i. 57. 

Dordrecht, or Dort, Synod of, iii. 258. 



Doughty, Thomas, impostures of,i. 137, 
138- " 

Douglas, Archibald, Provost of Edin- 
burgh, imprisoned, ii. 1-1. 

Douglas, Archibald, executed, ii. 314. 

Douglas, Archibald, one of Darnley's 
murderers, acquitted, ii. 343. 

Douglas, Gavin, Bishop of Dunkeld, 
notice of, i. 122. 

Douglas, James, of Torthorwald, kills 
Captain Stewart, iii. 40. 

Douglas, John, Carmelite Friar, be- 
comes a reformed preacher, i. liJG, 
264 ; appointed by the influence of the 
Regent Morton titular Archbishop of 
St Andrews, ii. 172 ; death of, ii. 2(12. 

D'Uysell, Jlonsieur, sent to England, ii. 
2; interview with Queen Elizabeth, 
ii. 2. 

Druids, account of the, i. 4, 5. 

Dunbar, George Home, Earl of, rebukes 
certain of the disaffected Presbyterian 
ministers in Perth, iii. \76 ; threat- 
ened at Edinburgh by the burgesses, 
iii. 1 7.5 ; resolves to adjourn the Par- 
liament to Perth, ib. ; death and 
character of, iii. 214. 

Dunbarton Castle, extraordinary seiz- 
ure of, ii. 15.5. 

Dunblane, Bishopric of, founded, i. G9. 

Bishops of, i. 21.% 214, 215, 244-0. 

Duncan I. King of Scotland, murdered, 

Dunfermline Abbey church built, i. GO. 

Dunfermline, Alexander Seton, first 
Earl of, death of, iii. 2G3. 

Dunkeld, Bishopric of, founded, i. 69. 

Bishops of, i. 193-199, 231-234. 

Duns Scotus, Joannes, account of, i. 
107, 108, 109. 

Dunstan, Archbishop, remarkable es- 
cape of, i. 55. 

Durham Cathedral, foundation of, i.CO. 

Durie, John, imprisoned for sedition, i. 
273 ; banished from Edinburgh, and 
confined to the town of Montrose, ii. 
315 ; death and character of, iii. 82, 

Eadmcnis, monk of Canterbury, Bishop 
of St Andrews, i. CG, G7. 

account of, ib. 

Easter. See Canon, Paschal. 

Easter, early observance of, in Scot- 
land, i. 3, 22, 23, 24, 25, 29. 

controversy on the observance of, 

i. 29-34. 

Festival of, enjoined by royal au- 
thority to be observed in the Scot- 
tish Church, iii. 257. 

Echadius, or Ethodius, brother of King 
Eugenius, flight of, i. 9. 

Edelfrid,King of Northumberland, mur- 
ders twelve hundred monks, i. 23. 

Edgar, King of Scotland, coronation of, 
i. G5. 

munificence of, ib. 

Edinburgh, riot at, i. 2C5, 2G6. 

proceedings at the election of the 

Magistrates, ii. 14 ; Provost of, impri- 
soned and deposed, ib. 

Edinburgh Town Council, enactnients 
of, against Popery, ii. 14. 

Castle resigned to Bothwell, ii. 4.'). 

town of, occupied by the confeder- 
ated Nobility, ii. 57. 

Castle, siege of, ii. 192 ; surren- 
dered, ii. 193. 

riot at, iii. 32. 

deplorable condition of, iii. 57. 

four additional ministers appoint- 
ed to, iii. 259. 

conduct of some citizens of, against 

the Established Church in, iii. 268, 

Edward, Bishop of Aberdeen, i. 72. 

Edward 1. of England, negotiations 
with, i. .95, 96. 

Edward VI., death of, i. 182. 

Eglinton, Hugh Montgomery, fourth 
Earl of, killed by certain Cunning- 
hams, ii. 345; revenged by his brother 
Robert, ii. 346. 

Eglinton, Hugh Montgomery,fifth Earl 
of, death of without issue, iii. 217 ; his 
disposal of his honours and estates to 
Sir Alexander Seton, his cousin, ib. 

Elders, Lay, ofiice of in parishes un- 
scriptural and unecclesiastical, iii. 

Elizabeth, Queen, proceedings of, ii. 2 ; 
attempts to intercept Queen Mary, 
ii. C ; audiences with, on Queen 
Mary's affairs, ii. 351, 352, 353 ; 
reasons assigned by, for condemning 
Queen Marv, ii. 352, 353 ; letters of, 
to James V"l., ii. 362, 363 ; friendly 
letter of, to James VI., iii. 38, 39 ; 
last illness and death of, iii. 1 10. 

Elizabeth, Princess, daughter of James 
VI., birth of, iii. 9 ; baptism of, iii. 
19 ; marriage of, iii. 218, 219. 

Elphinestone, James, afterwards Lord 
iSalmerino, appointed collector of the 
revenues, ii. 469. See Balmerino 

Elphinestone, William, Bishop of Aber- 
deen, account of, i. 20G, 207,208, 209 ; 
founder of King's College, Aberdeen, 
i. 207. 

England, affairs of in IGOl, iii. 94, 95 ; 
league with, ii. 346, 347, 348 ; Church 
of, opposition to the, iii. 241-245. 

Englisli, ravages of the, on the Scottish 
Borders, ii. 1"8. 

Episcopacy, opposition to the establish- 
ment of, iii. 1 62 ; arguments for, iii. 
177 ; discussions on, iii. 241-245. 

Erthus, i. 9. 

Erskine, John, of Dun, notice of, i. 131 ; 
deathof, ii. 412. 

ErroU, Francis Hay, eighth Earl of, 
absolved, iii. C2. 

submission of, iii. 208. 

Ethelbcrt, King of the English Saxons, 
conversion of, i. 22. 

Ethelfrid, King of Northumberland, 
killed, I. 26. 



Ethclfrid, conversion of the children 
of, jn Scotland, i. 2G. 

Ethodius, King of Scotland, i. 4. 

Eucharist, or Sacrament of the Lord's 
Supper, ordered to be received in a 
kneeling attitude, iii. 255 ; private 
administration of, to the sick and in- 
firm in their houses, allowed, iii. 255. 

Eugenius III., Pope, act of, repealed by 
Malcolm III., i. 59. 

Eugenius,King of the Picts, killed, i. 7. 

Eugenius, King of Scotland, i. 11. 

Eugenius IV. King of Scotland, i. 26. 

Excommunication, letter of James VI. 
to the Scottish bishops and clergy on 
the censure of, pronounced against 
fugitives for capital crimes, iii. 215, 
21G ; discussions of the bishops and 
clergy on the King's letter in refer- 
ence to, iii. 216, 217. 

Exchequer, Scottish, affairs of the, ii. 

Faith, the " Tvropeuny," origin of the 
designation, i. 182. 

Ferguson, David, minister of Dunferm- 
line, death of, iii. 77. 

Feredith, Kiu^ of the Picts, sacrilege 
of, at St Andrews, i. 43 ; killed, 45. 

Fergus, King of Scotland, victories of, 
i. 9, 10, 11. 

Fiacre, Prince, story of, i. 39, 40, 41. 

Fife, Synod of, opposition of, iii. 189 ; 
denounced, ib. 

Fiuanus, Bishop, labours of, in North- 
umberland, i. 28, 29. 

opposed byRoraanug,orConanus,ib. 

death of, i. 29. 

Fincomarchus, King of Scotland, i. 7. 

Fleance, escape of, i. 58. 

Fogo, John, monk of Melrose, speech 
of, against Benedict XIII., i. 111. 

Forbes, William, minister at Aberdeen, 
afterwards first Bishop of Edinburgh, 
api)ointed one of the ministers of 
Edinburgh, iii. 259. 

Forfar, meeting of the Estates at, i. 59. 

Forman, Andrew, Bishop of Moray, 
elected Archbishop of St Andrews, i. 
123; death of, ib. 

Forrest, Henry, notice of, i. 129 ; burnt, 
i. 130. 

Forrester, David, murder of, ii. 4G5. 

Fothadus, Bishop of St Andrews,). 5G. 

Francis II. of France, letter of, to Lord 
James Stuart, i. 288. 

France, ambassadors from, insulted by 
the Presbj'terian ministers, ii. 297, 298. 

Eraser, William, elected Bishop of St 
Andrews, i. 94 ; consecrated at Rome 
bv Pope Nicolas III., ib. ; death 
of, i. 100, 101. 

Frederick II. imprisons the Bishops of 
St Andrews and Glasgow in Ger- 
many, i. 88. 

French, military proceedings of the, in 
Scotland, i. 176, 177. 

Galfrid, Bishop of Dunkeld, i. 87. 

Galloway, Diocese of, limits, i. 5.0. 

Bishops of, i. 224, 225, 256-258. 

Galloway, Patrick, three petitions of, 

to James VI., ii. 409, 410 ; speech of, 

to James VI., iii. 104. 
Gameline elected Bishop of St Andrews, 

i. 89 ; troubles during the episcopate 

of, ib. ; death of, i. 91. 
Germany, princes of, ambassadors to 

the, iii. 75, 76 ; opinions of, on the 

claims of James VI. to the English 

crown, ib. 
Gilbert, Bishop of Caithness, i. 87. 
Gladstanes, George, minister at Arbir- 

lot, removed to St Andrews, iii. 64 ; 

appointed Bishop of Caithness, iii. 

82 ; Archbishop of St Andrews in 

1606, iii. 177; death and character 

of, iii. 227. 
Glammis, John Lyon, eighth Lord, 

Chancellor, killed, ii. 221. 
Glasgow, Diocese of, limits, i. 59. 

Bishops and Archbishops of, i. 


Archbishopric of, constituted, i. 


Cathedral of, saved by the Incor- 
porated Trades, ii. 259. 

General Assembly at, iii. 205 ; 

proceedings of, iii. 206, 207, 208. 

Glencairn, Alexander Cunningham, 
fifth Earl of, demolishes the orna- 
ments in Holyrood Chapel, ii. 62 ; 
commended by the Reformed preach- 
ers, ii. 62 ; denounced by the Queen's 
party, ib. 

Glencairn, James, seventh Earl of, en- 
counters Lord Seton at Perth, iii. 

Glenlivat, battle of, ii. 458, 459, 460. 

Godricus, Bishop of St Andrews,!. 65. 

Good Friday, or Passion-Day, enjoined 
to be observed, iii. 257. 

Gordon, Alexander, keeper of Inver- 
ness Castle, executed, ii. 21. 

Gordon, Sir John, imprisonment of, ii. 
18 ; executed, ii. 23. 

Gordon, John, a Jesuit, drowns himself 
at Ailsa Craig, iii. 61. 

Gourlay, Norman, burnt, i. 131. 

Gowrie, William llutlivcn, first Earl of, 
treasonable conduct of, ii. 308 ; im- 
prisonment of, ii. 309 ; disclosures of, 
ii. 310, 311; petition to James VI., 
ii. 311, 312 ; trial of, ii. 311, 312, 313 ; 
conviction and execution of, ii. 313 ; 
penitence of, ii. 314. 

Gowrie, John Ruthven, third Earl of, 
iii. 84-88. 

Gowrie Conspiracy, iii. 84-88 ; disbe- 
lieved by the ministers of Edinburgh, 
iii. 89, 90 ; sermon on, by Patrick 
Galloway at the cross of Edinburgh, 

Grieme, Regent of Scotland, i. 11. 

Graham, John, Lord Hallyards, con- 
duct of, ii. 413, 414 ; killed, ii. 421. 

Graham, Patrick, Bishop of Brechin, i. 
1 15 ; elected bishop of St Andrews, 



ib.; account of, ib.; constituted Arch- 
bishop of St Andrews, i. 116 ; iia- , 
prisonment of, i. 118 ; death of, ib. 

Graham, William, executed, ii. 414. ' 

Gray, Patrick, blaster of, afterwards 
seventh Lord Gray, sent to England, 
11. 324; exertions of, for Quceu Mary, 
ii. 353 ; design of, to kill Lord Thirle- 
stane and others, 37'2 ; informs Sir 
William Stewart of his purpose, ib. ; 
quarrel with Stewart before the King, 
lb. ; accused of advising the execu- 
tion of Queen Mary, ib. ; imprison- , 
ment of, lb. ; banishment of, ii. 373. 

Gregorius, Bishop of St Andrews, 1. ! 
5(), 57. i 

Gregory VIL Pope, sends Augustiue 
to Britain, 1. 22. ; 

Gregory XV., letter of, to Charles, ; 
Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles 
I., on his projected marriage with | 
the Infanta of Spain, iii. 2t>6, 267 ; ' 
reply to the letter of, iii. 267, 268. | 

Gregory, King of Scotland, munificence : 
of, 1. 52, 53. : 

Gregory, William, notice of,i. 136. i 

Gregory, or Macgrcgor, clan, ordered I 
to be extirpated, iii. 213, 214. | 

Guallo, or Waldo, papal legate, places i 
Scotland under interdiction, 1. 84 ; ] 
the sentence remitted, ib. I 

Gundomar, the Spanish ambassador, | 
favours the project and maiTiage of i 
Prince Charles to the Infanta ofi 
Spain, iii. 265. 

Gunpowder Plot, the, iii. 165-173. 

Guthrie, John, minister of Perth, re- 
moved to Edinburgh, iii. 259. 

Hamilton, Catharine, trial of, at Holy- 
rood Abbey, for heresy, 1. 1 30. 

Hamilton, Duke of, ii. 16. See Chatel- 

Hamilton, Gavin, Bishop of Galloway, 
consecrated, iii. 209. 

Hamilton, Gawin, Abbot of Kilwinning, 
Imprisonment of. In Stirling Castle, 
ii. 18. 

Hamilton, Sir James of Finnart, execu- 
tion of, i. 140, 141. 

Hamilton, James, of Bothwellhaugh, 
assassinates the Regent Moray at 
Linlithgow, Ii. 119, 120; escape of, ib. 

Hamilton, James, first Marquis of, 
death of, iii. 26.') ; character of, ib. ; 
suspected to be poisoned, ib. 

Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley, 1. 
143 ; elected Archbishop of St An- 
drews, 1. 166 ; proceedings of, i. 78- 

letter of, to the Earl of Argyll, 

1. 264. 

advice of, on tlie proceedings of the 

Reformers, sent to John Knox, i. 371. 

imprisoned for hearing and saying 

mass, li. 23. 

apprehended in Dunbarton Castle, 

ii. 154. 

executed on Stirling Bridge, ii. 155. 

Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley, 
dying declaration and character of, 
li. 155. 

Hamilton, Lord, popularity of, ill. 32. 

Hamilton, Patrick, Abbot of Fearn, ac- 
count of, i. 124 ; opinions of, 1. 124, 
125 ; trial of, for heresy, i. 125, 
126 ; martyrdom of, 1. 126, 127; fate 
of promotes the Reformation In Scot- 
laud, i. 127, 188. 

Hamilton, Sir Thomas, Lord 'Advocate, 
afterwards Earl of Melrose, and first 
Earlof Haddington, constituted Lord 
Clerk Register and Secretary of 
State, Iii. 214; sent as a Commis- 
sioner from James VI. to the Gen- 
eral Assembly in 1617, iii. 248. 

Hampton Court Conference, Iii. 142, 
143,144, 176-181. 

deputation from Scotland to the, 

Hi. 177. 

sermons preached at the opening 

of, iii. ib. 

speech of James I. at, iii. 178. 

discussions at, iii. 178, 179, 180. 

Harlow,William, a Reformed preacher, 

1. 183. 
Harold, Earl of Orkney and Caithness, 

cruelty inflicted on the Bishop of 

Orkney by, i. 80 ; punishment of the 

Earl and his family, 1. 82. 
Harding, a Minorite Friar, speech of, 

for Benedict XIII., i. 111. 
Hay , Sir Alexander, Lord Advocate, ap- 
pointed Lord Clerk Register, iii. 214. 
Hay, Sir George, afterwards Viscount 

Dupplin and Earl of Kinnoull, and 

Lord Chancellor, iii. 245. 
Hengustus. See Hergustus. 
Henry II. of France, death of, 1. 

Henry II. of England, proceedings of, 

against Malcolm III. i. 74, 75. 
Henry III. of England, accession of, 1. 

Henry VIII., proceedings of, 1. 139, 

Henry, Prince, birth of, 11. 447 ; bap- 
tism of, ib. ; death of, iii. 218. 
Hepburn, James, Earl of Bothwell. See 

Hepburn, John, Prior of St Andrews, 

notice of, i. 122. 
Herbert, Bishop of Glasgow, 1. 73. 
Hergustus, King of the Picts, patron of 

Regnlns, i. 8. 

conversion of, ib. 

Heriot, Adam, minister of Aberdeen, 
death and character of, ii. 197, 198. 

Herries, Lord, speech of, to James VI. 
on the state of the Borders, ii. 260, 
261 ; proposals of, ii. 261, 262 ; op- 
posed by Lord Maxwell, ii. 262, 263. 

Hewct, Peter, one of the ministers of 
Edinburgh, selected to present the 
protestation against Episcopacy to 
the Parliament, iii. 244 ; rebuked by 
Archbishop Spottiswoode, iii. 245 ; 
apologizes for his conduct, lb. 



Hildebert, a Scottish Bishop, notice of, 

i. 15. 
Holyroodhouse Chapol, riots at, ii. 7, 8. 

24, 25. 

marriage of Queen Mary to Lord 

Darnley iu, 11. 31 ; opposition to the 
Improvements In, lii. 238, 239. 

Home, David and Patrick, condemned 

and executed, ii. 321. 
Honorlus, Pope, letter of, to the Church 

of Scotland on the observance of 

Easter, 1. 24. 
Howie, Robert, appointed Provost of St 

Mary's College, St Andrews, iii. 190. 
Hugo, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 78, 79 ; 

death of, i. 80, 82. 
Hungus, King of the Picts, munificence 

of, i. 43, 44, 45. 
Huusdon, Henry Caroy, first Lord, 

assures James VL that Queen Eliza- 
beth never sanctioned Queen Mary's 

execution, ii. 378. 
Huntly, George Gordon, fifth Earl of, 

appointed Lord Chancellor, ii. 14 ; 

becomes Popish, Ii. 15. 
plots of, against the Earl of Moray , 

ii. 16 ; resolves to murder him, 11. 18. 

influence of, iu Inverness, ii. 21. 

rebellion of, 11. 21, 22 ; defeated 

and killed, 11. 23. 

Huutly, George Gordon, sixth Earl and 

first Marquis of, imprisoned, ii. 23 ; 

forfeited, lb. ; restored, 11. 26. 
murders the Earl of Moray, ii. 419, 

conditions proposed to, iii. 13, 14 ; 

submission of, 62. 

disaffection of, ill. 192 ; submission 

and liberation of, iii. 208 ; turbulence 
of, lii. 230 ; absolved from excom- 
munication by Archbishop Abbot of 
Canterbury, ill. 232 ; submission and 
reconciliation of, in the General As- 
sembly held at Aberdeen, iii. 235. 

Icolumkil, origin of the name of, i. 6. 
See lona. 

Ingelram. See Angelramus. 

Innocent III., Pope, gifts of, to King 
William II., 1. 82 ; privileges to the 
Church of Scotland conferred by, lb. 

Inverness, Queen Mary at, 11. 21 ; sur- 
render of the castle of, ib. 

lona, or Icolumkil, Island of, i. 6, 8. 

seat of the Bishops of the Isles, i. 6. 

Ireland, first name of, 1. 15, 16. 

Isles, Bishops of The, original title of 
the, 1. 6. 

Bishops of The, first cathedral 

church of, 1. 6. 

Bishops of The, 1. 226, 259-261. 

feuds in The, between M'Nelll and 

Maclean, account of, ii. 344, 345. 

submission of The, iii. 5. 

attempt to colonize with Low- 
landers, iii. 101 ; failure of, iii. 103 ; 
renewed, iii. 165 ; second failure of,ib. 

James I., of Scotland, returns from 

captivity In England, i. 113 ; munifi- 
cence to the University of St An- 
drews, ib. ; murdered, ib. 
James V., anecdote of, 1. 130. 

death of, 1. 141. 

James VI., birth of, ii. 40. 

baptism of, 11. 41 ; account of the, 

ii. 42. 

proclaimed King, ii. 68 ; corona- 
tion of, ib. 

conveyed to Stirling Castle, ii. 49. 

assumes the government, ii. 208. 

signs John Craig's Confession of 

Faith against the Church of Rome, 
il. 288. 

disputes of, with the Presbyterian 

ministers, ii. 266, 267, 268. 

seizure of, at Ruthven, ii. 289-291. 

accused of Popery, ii. 315. 

letters of, to Queen Elizabeth In 

favour of his mother, ii. 349, 350, 351. 

remonstrances of, to Queen Eliza- 
beth In behalf of his mother, ii. 353. 

singular attempt of, to reconcile 

his nobility, ii. 374. 

arrangements for the marriage of, 

11. 378. 
marches' against the insurgent 

nobihty, ii. 396. 

returns to Edinburgh, ib. 

resolves to proceed to Denmark 

and celebrate his marriage, ii. 400. 

declaration of, ii. 400, 401, 402, 

403, 404. 

sails to Denmark, ii. 404. 

marriage of, to the Princess Anne, 

ii. 404. 
returns to Scotland, ii. 406. 

opposition to the coronation of the 

Queen of, ii. 407. 

replies of, to the General Assem- 
bly's three petitions, ii. 409, 410. 

conference of, with the ministers, 

iii. 8,9, 11, 12. 

proclamation of, against the minis- 
ters who had resorted to Edinburgh, 
iii. 17. 

contentions of, with the ministers, 

iii. 20-31. 

assailed at Edinburgh, iii. 32 ; 

indignation at, ib. 

pardons the citizens, and returns 

to Edinburgh from Linlithgow, iii. 
36, 37. 

letter of, to the Earl of Huntly, iii. 

47, 48. 

pecuniary wants of, ill. 78, 79. 

right of, to the crown of England, 

disputed, iii. 80. 

publishes his Basilicon Doron, 


feuds with the ministers of Edin- 
burgh, iii. 81. 

urges a new metrical version of 

the Psalms, ill. 98, 99. 

accession of, to the crown of Eng- 
land, ill. 110. 

letters from the Privy Council of 

England to, iii. 133-136. 



James VI., prepares for his journey to ' 
England, iii. 137, 138. 

chooses his attendants, iii. 138. 

addresses the people in St Giles' 

church, Ediuburgh, ib. 

arrives iu London, iii. 139. 

coronation of, iii. 141. 

assumes the title of King of Great 

Britain, iii. 156. 

speech of, at the Hampton Court 

Conference, iii. 178. 

letters of, iii. 181,18-3. 

letter of, to the General Assem- 
bly held at Linlithgow, iii. 183, 184. 

answers of, to the complaints of 

the General Assembly held at Lin- 
lithgow, iii. 187, 188, 189. 

letters to, from General Assembly, 

iii. 195, 196, 197. 

speech of, to the three Scottish 

Bishops respecting their consecration 
in 1609, iii. -209. 

institutes the High Court of Com- 
mission in causes ecclesiastical in 
Scotland, iii. 210,211,212. 

proclamation of, against turbu- 
lent persons, iii. 213. 

letter to the Scottish Bishops and 

clergy on excommunicated fugitives, 
iii. 215, 216. 

defends Archbishop Abbot for ab- 
solving the Marquis of Huntly, iii. 
232, 233. 

instructions of, on the Sacraments 

of the Eucharist and Baptism, and 
on Confirmation, iii. 236, 237. 

visits Scotlapd, iii. 239. 

speech of, to the Parliament, iii. 


declaration of, on the position of 

the Scottish Bishops in the General 
Assemblies, iii. 241. 

allows a certain number of minis- 
ters to advise the Bishops in the Gen- 
eral Assemblies, ib. 

speech of, to the Scottish Bishops 

at St Andrews, on the Scottish 
Church, iii. 246. 

leaves Scotland, iii. 247, 248. 

letters of, to the Archbishops of 

St Andrews and Glasgow, enjoining 
the observance of Christmas in Scot- 
land, iii. 248, 249, 250. 

letter from, to the General As- 
sembly at Perth, iii. 252, 253, 254. 

opinions of, on Scottish ecclesias- 
tical affairs, iii. 262, 263, 264, 265. 

injunctions of, on special points 

of doctrine and discipline, iii. 263,264. 

defends himself against the charge 

of inclining to Popery, iii. 264, 265. 

death of, iii. 270. 

character of, and poetical eulo- 

gium on, by Dr Morley, iii. 270, 271. 

Jesuits, proclamation against, ii. 395. 

Scottish, attempts of, iii. 95, 96. 

106, 107. 

proclamations against, iii. 182, 

1.04, 195. 

Jesuits, arrival of, ii. 378. 

proceedings against, ii. 379. 

Joceliuc, Bishop of Glasgow, i. 78, 79. 

and others excommunicated, i. 79. 

John, Bishop of Glasgow, retires for a 

time to France, i. 74. 
compelled by the Pope to return to 

Scotland, ib. 
John, Cardinal do Monte Coelio, arrives 

in Scotland, i. 82 ; meets the clergy 

at Perth, ib. 
John, King of England, death of, i. 84. 
Johnston, laird of, murdered, iii. 191. 

Kellach, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 52. 
Kellach, second of that name. Bishop of 

St Andrews, i. 54. 
Kennedy, James, Bishop of Dunkeld, 

i. 113 ; elected Bishop of St Andrews, 

ib. ; account of, i. 114,115; death of, 

Kennedy, Quintin, Abbot of Crossra- 

gncl, Confession of Faith by, ii. 15. 
Kenneth, King, killed, i. 45. 
1 L, King of Scotland, conquers the 

Picts, i. 46. 
enacts the Macalpine Laws, ib. 

munificence of to the Ciiurch, ib. 

Kenneth IIL, Kmg of Scotland, mur- 
ders his nephew iVlalcolm, i. 55. 

vision of, i. 56. 

murdered, ib. 

Kentigern, or St Mungo, account of, i. 

founder of Glasgow Cathedral, ib. 

Ker, Sir Robert, son of Ker of Ferni- 
hirst, appointed Lord High Treasu- 
rer, iii. 214 ; created Earl of Somer- 
set, ib. ; trial and condemnation of, 
iii. 229, 230 ; pardoned, ib. 

Ker, Sir Robert, of Ancrum, appointed 
to command tho Border troops, 
iii. 214. 

Ker, William, of Ancrum, killed, ii. 

Killigrew, Sir Henry, arrival of, ii. 

King, Bishop, preaches at tho opening 
of the Hampton Court Conference, 
iii. 177. 

Kinnatellus, King of Scotland, i. 18. 

Kirkaldy, Sir William, of Grange, re- 
ceives the surrender of Queen Mary 
at Carbery, ii. 62. 

appointed Governor of Edinburgh 

Castle, ii. 82. 

attacks Edinburgh, ii. 148. 

fate of, predicted by John Knox, 

ii. 182, 183 ; bombards Edinburgh 
from the Castle, ii. 186, 

and others executed, ii. 193 ; char- 
acter of, ii. 194. 

Kirkwall, Castle of, besieged by the Earl 
of Caithness, iii. 220 ; surrendered, 
ib. ; prisoners executed, ib. 

Knox, John, joins the murderers of 
Cardinal Beaton iu the Castle of St 
Andrews, i. 167; history of, i. 168, 
169,170,171,174, 183,184,185. 



Knox, John, arrives in Scotland, i. 272; 
preaches at Perth, ib. 

speech of, against tho Queen 

Regent, i. 301. 

reply by, to the Abbot of Cross- 

raguel, ii. 15. 

summoned before the Privy Coun- 
cil, for instigating a riot at Holy- 
roodhouse chapel, ii. 24 ; violent 
language to Queen Mary, ii. 25 ; re- 
buked by the Earl of Morton, ib. 

assails Lord Darnley in a sermon, 

ii. 31 ; defends liimself, ib. 

prediction of, ii. 121, 122. 

visits his sons at Cambridge, ii. 

44 ; carries a letter to the Bishops of 
the Church of England, ib. 

letter of, to the General Assembly, 

ii. 167. 
illness of, ii. 186; account of, ib. 

address of, to the Earl of Morton, 

ii. 181. 

speech to the ministers, ii. 182. 

death and burial of, ii. 183, 184. 

History of the Reformation, on the 

authenticity of, i. 375-378. 

Lamb, Andrew, Bishop of Brechin, 

consecrated, iii. 209. 
Lamberton, William, elected Bishop of 

St Andrews, i. 101 ; consecrated, ib. ; 

death of, i. 107. 

munificence of, i. 107. 

Landel, or Landale, William, Bishop 

of St Andrews, i. 109, 110. 
Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

encroaches on the independence of 

the Scottish Church, i. 65. 
Langside, battle of, ii. 87, 88; defeat of 

Queen Mary's forces at, ib. 
Laurentius, successor of Augustine, i. 

letter of, to the Church of Scot- 
land, i. 23. 
Lawson, James, successor of John 

Knox, as minister of Edinburgh, ii. 

180, 181, 182. 
flight of, to England, ii. 315. 

letter of, 317 ; death of, 318. 

Leicester, Earl of, suggests that Queen 

Mary should be poisoned, ii. 349. 
letter of, to James VI., ii. 354, 

Leith, landing of Queen Mary at, ii. 6. 

occupation of, i. 290-300 ; siege of, 

i. 304, 305. 

siege of, i. 317, 318, 319. 

• surrender of, i. 321-325. 

Treaty of, ii. 1,2, 3, 5. 

Lennox, Matihew Stewart, fourth Earl 

of, arrival of from England, ii. 25 ; 
restored to his titles, ib. ; impeaches 
Bothwell of the murder of Darnley, 
ii. 49 ; reasons for his declining to 
attend Bothwell's trial, ib. 
elected Regent, ii. 134, 136, 137. 

shot in a riot at Stirling, ii. 164, 

165 ; death of, ii. 16p ; funeral of, ii. 

Lennox, Esme Stuart, Earl of, letter to 
the General Assembly, ii. 273. 

created Duke of Lennox, ii. 280 ; 

quarrels with Arran, ii. 281. 

attacked for Popery, ii. 284. 

excommunicated, ii. 289 ; com- 
pelled to leave Scotland, ii. 297 ; 
death of, ii. 298. 

Lennox, Ludovick, second Duke of, ar- 
rival of, ii. 306 ; generosity of James 
VI. to the family of, ib. 

ambassador to France, iii. 100 ; 

visits Queen Elizabeth, iii. 101 ; death 
of, iii. 269. 

Lermonth, Thomas, the Rhymer, notice 
of, i. 93, 94 ; predictions of, ib. 

Lesley, John, Bishop of Ross, death 
and character of, iii. 55, 56. 

Lindores, Laurence, inquisitor in Scot- 
Jand, i. 112. 

Lindsay, Sir David of the Mount, i. 
144 ; account of, i. 192. 

Lindsay, David, minister of Leith, mo- 
derate conduct of, ii. 299. 

imprisonment of, in Blackness, ii. 


marries James VI., ii. 404. 

nominated Bishop of Ross, iii. 82 ; 

continues to officiate as minister of 
Leith, ib. ; ' death and character of, 
iii. 22^, interred at Leith, ib. 

Linlithgow, Regent Moray assassin- 
ated at, ii. 119, 120. 

Provincial Council at, i. 182. 

General Assembly at, iii. 183. 

Lollards of Kyle and Cunningham in 

Ayrshire, opinions of, i. 120, 121 ; 

proceedings against the leaders of 

the,i. 121. 
Lotliian, Superintendent of, anecdote of, 

ii. 30. See Spottiswoode, John. 
Lyons, Council of, acts of, i. 92. 

Macbeth, usurpation of, i. 57. 

built Dunsinane Castle, i. 59. 

killed, ib. 

Macbrair, John, notice of, i. 192. 

Maccalzean, Sir Thomas, elected Pro- 
vost of Edinburgh, ii. 14. 

Macduff, Thane of Fife, account of, i. 

Macgregor (Clan). See Gregory (Clan). 

Maitland, William, of Lethington, op- 
poses the French influence, i. 306. 

sent to England, ii. 8 ; interview 

with Queen Elizabeth, ii. 8-14. 

death and character of, ii. 193. 

Major, John, notice of, i. 135, 169. 

Malcolm II. defeats the Danes at Mort- 
lach, i. 56. 

death of, i. 62. 

Malcolm III., flight of, i. 57. 

crowned, i. 59. 

deathof(1159), i. 73. 

Maldwin, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 54. 

Malisius, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 52. 

second of tnat name. Bishop of St 

Andrews, i. 54. 

Malmore, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 54. 



Malvoisin, William, Bishojp of Glas- 
gow, translated to St Anclrews, i. 83; 
character of, ib. ; death of, i. 83. : 

Man, Isle of, foundation of the See of, 
i. 5. ! 

Mar, John Erskine, sixth Earl of, of 
the Family of Erskine, resigns Edin- 
burgh Castle to Bothwell, ii. 49. j 

elected Regent, ii. 168. ] 

death of, ii. 179. 

Margaret, St, Queen of Malcolm III., 
account of, i. 60, 61, 62. 

sons and daughters of, i. 62. 

character of, i. 62. 

said to have built Carlisle Cathe- 
dral, i. 62. 

Margaret, the Maid of Norway, death 
of, i. 9.5. 

Margaret, Princess, birth of, iii. 76 ; 
baptism of, ib. 

Martin V., Pope, i. 111. 

Mary of Guise, Queen Dowager of 
James V., appointed Regent, i. 182, 
183 ; conduct of, ib. 

opposition of, to the Reformation, 

i. 263, 264. 

death of, i. 319. 

Mary, Queen, birth of, i. 141. 

letter of, to Lord James Stuart, i. 


illness of, in France, ii. 1. 

interviewwith the Earl of Bedford, 

ii. 1. 

conversation with Sir Nicholas 

Throgmorton, ii. 2, 3, 4. 

departure of, from France, ii. 5. 

lands at Leith, ii. 6. 

popularity of, ii. 7. 

adheres to the Roman Catholic ri- 
tual, ii. 7, 8. 

sends Maitland of Lethington to 

Queen Elizabeth, ii. 8. 

progresses of, ii. 14. 

returns to Edinburgh, ib. 

selects her Privy Council, ib. 

offends the Protestant preachers, 


revenues of, how increased, ii. 


protected by a guard of horse and 

foot, ii. 16. 
dislike of the Earl of Arran, ii. 16, 

favours her illegitimate brother 

the Earl of Moray, ii. 16, 17. 
proceedings of, at Falkland, ii. 17, 


letters to, from France, ii. 18. 

interview proposed with Elizabeth 

at York, ii. 19. 

progress of, in the North, ii. 


visits Stirling, ii. 19. 

petitions to, against Popery and 

Popish churchmen, ii. 1 9. 
answers to, and indignation at, ii. 

meets the Countess of Huntly at 

Aberdeen, ii. 20. 

Mary, Queen, proceeds to Inverness, Ii. 
20, 21. 

refused admission to the Castle of 

Inverness, ii. 21. 

enters the Castle of Inverness, ii. 


returns to Aberdeen, ii. 21. 

hunts in the districts of Atholl and 

Argyll.ii. 24, 25. 

insulted at Holyroodhousc, ii.24. 

first meeting with Lord Darnley, 

ii. 25. 

refuses to marry the Earl of Lei- 
cester, ii. 25. 

resolves to marry Lord Darnley, 

ii. 26. 

opposition to the marriage of, to 

Lord Darnley, ii. 26, 27, 28. > 

marriage of, to Darnley, sanctioned 

by the Estates, ii. 27. 

creates Darnley Duke of Rothe- 
say, ii. 27. 

replies to the Commissioners of the 

General Assembly, ii. 29, 30, 31. 

marriage of, to Lord Darnley, ii. 

proclaims Lord Darnley as King, 

opposed by some of the nobility for 

proclaiming Lord Darnley as King, 


rebellion against, ib. 

proceeds to Stirling, ib. 

proceeds to Glasgow, Paisley, and 

Hamilton, ib. 
and Darnley return to Edinburgh, 

ii. 32. 

visit Dumfries, ib. 

proceed to Fife, ib. 

return to Edinburgh, ib. 

proceed to Dumfries, ib. 

unpopularity of, ii. 35. 

quarrels of, ib. 

accouchement of, in Edinburgh 

Castle, ii. 40. 
congratulated by the General As- 
sembly^, ib. 

visits the Earl of Mar at Alloa, ib. 

illness of, at Jedburgh, ii. 41. 

hatred of, to Darnley, ib. 

divorce of, from Darnley, proposed 

at Craigmillar Castle to, and rejected 

by, ii. 41. 
removes Darnley from Glasgow to 

Edinburgh, ii. 47. 

is informed by Bothwell of the 

murder of Darnley, ii. 48. 

unfeeling conduct of, on that occa- 
sion, ib. 

led to Dunbar Castle by Bothwell, 

ii. 51. 

marries Bothwell, ii. 54. 

popular indignation at, ii. 54, 55. 

chooses a new Privy Council, 

ii. 56. 

visits the Borders, ib. 

escape of, from Borthwick Castle, 

ii. 57. 
assembles her forces, ii. 58. 



Mary, Queen, rebellion against, ii. 58. 

issues a ])roclamatio!i defeudiug 

herself and Botlnvell, ii. 58, 59. 

• surrenders to the confederated no- 
bility at Carbery,ii. (il, (ii. 

conveyed a prisoner to Edinburgh, 

ii. 62. 

committed to Lochlcveu Castle, 


alleged letters of, to Bothwell, ib. 

compelled to abdicate, ii. 67, 68. 

escape of, from Lochlcveu Castle, 

ii. 85. 

defeat of her forces at Langside, 

ii. 87, 88. 

■ flight of, to England, ii. 89. 

imprisonment of, at Carlisle, ii. 89; 

proceedings against, ii. 39, 109. 

successes of her friends in Aber- 
deenshire, ii. 1G9, 170; in Roxburgh- 
shire, ii. 172, 173. 

charged with Babington's conspi- 
racy, ii. 349. 

trial and condemnation of, ii. 3-19. 

execution of, ii. 357-301. 

and her Maidens, 7iote,iii. 111-117. 

jMaxwell, John, sixth Lord, turbuleut 

conduct of, ii. 325, 326, 330. 
causes Mass to be said in Linclu- 

den College, ii. 337 ; imprisonment of, 

slain in a feud with the Johnstones, 

ii. 446. 
Maxwell, John, seventh Lord, quarrels 

Merchiston Castle, sieges of, note, ii. 

Methven, Paul, Reformed preacher at 

Dundee, i. 186, 266. 
Mill, Walter, trial and martyrdom of, 

i. 188-191. 
Ministers, Reformed, stations of, i. 325. 

at Edinburgh refuse to pray for 

Queen Mary, ii. 356. 

. ordered to be imprisoned, iii. 35 ; 

flight of, ib. 

imprisoned at Blackness, com- 
plaints of, iii. 174, 175. 

Presbyterian, exile of, iii. 112; de- 
nounced, ib. 

parochial, form for the ordination 

and meetings of, iii. 210, 211. 

duties of, in their parishes defined, 


powers of, at meetings defined, ib. 

protestation of, agaiust the rites 

and ceremonies of the Church of 
England, iii. 242, 243, 244. 

Monasteries founded, i. 87. 

destruction of, i. 28i), 281. 

Monks, various orders of, brought into 
Scotland, i. 87. 

orders of, restored, i. 93. 

1 Montgomery, Robert, minister of Stir- 
ling, zeal of, ii. 281 ; unprincipled con- 
duct of, ii. 282; denounced for accept- 
' ing the titular Archbishopric of Glas- 
j gow, ii. 282, 283 ; simony of, ib.; pro- 
I ceedings agaiust, ii. 285-289. 
of, with the Earl of Morton, iii. 191 ;• Moray, or Murray, Bishopric of, 
imprisoned, ib. ; murders the Laird 1 founded, i. 59 

of .lohuston, ib. ; beheaded, iii. 192. 

Maxwell, John, minister at Mortlach. 
appointed one of the ministers of 
Edinburgh, iii. 259. 

Matthew, Bishop of Aberdeen, i. 79. 

May, Island of, purchased from the 
Abbot of Reading, i. 101. 

Melville, Andrew, first appearance of, 
ii. 200 ; commences the disputes ou 
church government, ib. 

ingratitude of, ii. 257. 

opposition to Episcopacy, ii. 257, 


advises the demolition of Glasgow 

Cathedral, ii. 258. 

hostility of, ii. 286. 

seditious sermons of, ii. 308 ; flight 

of, ii. 309. 

conduct of, in a synod at St An- 
drews, ii. 337-339. 

opposes the ceremonial of corona- 
tions, ii. 407. 

defends his conduct in maintain- 
ing Presbyterianism, iii. 179, 180. 

libel? written by, aga iust theChurch 


Bishops of, i. 210, 211, 212, 240, 

James Stuart, Earl of, illegitimate 

brother of Queen Mary, plots of 
certain individuals to murder the, 
ii. 17. 

defeats the Earl of Huntly, ii. 22. 

refuses to acknowledge Bothwell, 

ii. 55; proceeds to France, ii. 56. 

■ appointed Regent, ii. 68. 

return of, from France, ii. 68. 

visits Queen Mary at Lochleven, 

ii. 69. 

accepts the regency, ib. 

opposition to, ii. 82, 112. 

defeats Queen Mary's forces at 

Laugside, ii. 87,88. 

marches to Hamilton, ii. 89. 

proceedings of, agaiust Queen 

Mary, ii. 89-109. 

troubles of, ii. 112, 1 13. 

assassination of, ii. 119, 120. 

character of, ii. 121, 122, 

Moray, second Earl of, murdered in 
Fife, ii. 419. 
of England, iii. 182, 183 ; violence of, i Morley, Dr., of Corpus Christi College, 

Oxford, poetical eulogium on the 
character of James VI. by, iii. 271. 

Mortlach, Bishopric of Aberdeen found- 
ed at, i. 57. 

Morton, James Douglas, fourth Earl of, 
elected Regent, ii. 184, injunctions to, 
ii. 185. 


ib. ; iraprisoument of, ib ; death of, 

ill. ; ingratitude of, ib. 
Melville, James, defends the presbyte- 

rian ministers, iii. 178, 179. 

death of, iii. 190. 

Melville, Sir Robert, sent to England on 

behalf of Queen Mary, ii. 351. 



Morton, James Douglas, activity of, ii. 

avarice of, ii. 195, 196. 

hated by the Presbyterian minis- 

tcrs ii. li)7» 

oppressions of, ii. 203, 204, 205. 

resigns the regency, ii. 207. 

unjustly accused of poisoning the 

Earlof Atholl, ii.263. 

troubles of, ii. 268, 271. 

imprisoned in Dunbarton Castle, 

ii. 272. 

. trial of, ii. 276, 277 ; condemned, 

ib. ; confession of, ii. 277, 278 ; exe- 
cution of, ii. 279. 

Moveanus, Bishop of St Andrews, ad- 
vice of, to Kenneth 111., i. 56. 

Mowbray, Francis, imprisoned, iii. 107; 
killed in attempting to escape from 
Edinburgh Castle, ib. 

Murray, Sir Gideon, of Elibank, ap- 
pointed Treasurer-Depute, iii. 214 ; 
abilities of, ib.; excellent manage- 
ment of, in the oflSce of, iii. 238. 

Bishopric of. See Moray. 

or Moray, Earl of, and Regent. 

See Moray, and Stuart (.Lord James). 

Napier, .Tohn, of Merchiston, note, iii. 

Niuian, St. account of, i. 11, 12. 

first Bishop of Galloway, ib. 

Niuian, St. built his cathedral church 
at Whithorn, i. 11, 12. 

Nobility, titles of, introduced, i. 57, 62. 

Scottish, render homage to Ed- 
ward I., i. 9o. 

Scottish Roman Catholic, intrigues 

of, ii. 392, 393. 

Norfolk, Thomas Howard, fourth Duke 
of, condemned, ii. 173. 

Octavians, or officers of the Scottish 
Exchequer appointed by James VI., 
conduct of, iii. 40. 

Ogilvie, John, a Jesuit, trial and execu- 
tion of, at Glasgow, for maintaining 
the Papal supremacy, iii. 222-226. 

Oliphant, Sir William, appointed Lord 
Advocate, iii. 215. 

Orkney, Bishops of, i. 219, 250, 251. 

and Shetland, claimed by Den- 
mark, i. .329; oppressions in, iii. 213. 

Orkney, Patrick Stewart, Earl of, op- 
pressions and tyranny of, in Orkney 
and Shetland, iii. 213; imprisoned 
in Edinburgh Castle, ib. ; charges 
against, ib. ; sent to DumbartonC'astle, 
iii.219; orders hisvassals in Orkney to 
rebel, iii. 219,220; trial of, at Edin- 
burgh for high treason, iii. 221 ; con- 
viction and execution of, iii. 221,222. 

Ormiston, John, executed as one of 
Darnley's murderers, ii. 197 ; con- 
fessions of, ib. 

Oswald, King of the Saxons, pious zeal 1 

of, i. 27. 
Otholinia, now St Andrews in Fife,i. 8. 
Ottobou, Papal Legate, opposition of 

the Scottish dergv to the demands 
of, i. 90. 
Ovcrbury, Sir Thomas, account of the 
murder of, iii. 227,228, 229 ; trial and 
execution of the murderers of, iii. 

Palladius, arrival of, in Scotland, i. 12, 
-\ labours of, i. 13, 14. 

Palatine, or Palsgrave, the Elector, 
marries Princess Elizabeth, daughter 
of James VI., iii. 218, 219. 

Papists, severe proceedings against, ii. 
'A 24. 

complaints against, iii. 187. 

Parliament, Scottish, at Berwick, i. 

articles presented to, i. 2(i7-271. 

meeting of and discussion in 1560, 

i. 325, 382. 

of 1560, the validity of the, i. 378- 


held in Edinburgh, ratifies the 

acts of the General Assembly at Glas- 
gow in 1609, and rescinds and annuls 
all previous acts of the Parliaments 
opposed to the same, iii. 217,218. 

Paternoster, dispute in St Andrews on 
the, i. 180, 181,ir,2. 

Patrick, St, account of, i. 140. 

Patrick, Sub-Prior of Durham, ap- 
pointed Abbot of Dunfermline, i. 82. 

Peebles, cross church of, built, i. 91. 

Pelagian heresy, i. 12. 

Perth, assembly of the clergy at, i. 57. 

Perth, siege of, i. 74. 

convocation of the Scottish clergy 

at, i. 82. 

execution of heretics at, i. 147, 


monasteries in, destroyed, i. 271, 


encounter at, between Lord Seton 

and the Earl of Glencairn, iii. 175 ; 
parliament at, iii. 176. 

Synod of, proceedings of, iii. 189 ; 

prohibited to meet, ib. 

Five Articles of, ratified in the 

General Assembly at, iii. 255, 256, 
2.57. See Articles, Assembly, Ascen- 
sion Day, Christmas, Confirmation, 
Eucharist, Good Friday, Easter, 

Picts, join the Romans, i. 7. 

battle with the Scots, ib. 

subversion of the, i. 43, 44. 

Pont, Robert, and others, proceedings 
of, ii. 286, 315. 

makes a general revocation of 

church property, ii. 415, 416. 

Preaching, lav. by young students, pro- 
hibited, iii. '212. 

Preston, meeting at, i. 284. 

Psalms, new metrical version of the, 
proposed, iii. 98. 

Rad ol ph, Abbot of Melrose, consecrated 
Bishop of Down in Ireland, i. 82. 



Raleigh, Sir Walter, imprisoned for 
high treason, tried, and convicted, 
iii. 141. 
Randolph, Sir Thomas, arrival of, ii. 
271 ; intercedes for the Earl of Mor- 
ton, ib. 
Reformation, Scottish, rise and pro- 
gress of, i. 1 1 2, et seq. 

promoters of, i. '2(j3. 

Reformers, Scottish, notices of, i. 131. 

burnt at Edinburgh and Glasgow, 

i. 132, 133. 
Regulus, a Greek monk, story of the 

arrival of, at St Andrews, i. 8. 
Religion, state of, in Scotland, iii. 96, 

Rcsby, James, burnt for heresy at St 

Andrews, i. 1 12. 
Restalrig, Dean of, John Sinclair, 
marries Queen Mary to Lord Darn- 
ley, ii. 31. 
Richard de Sancto Victore, notice of, 

i. 71, 72. 
Richard, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 74, 78. 
Richard, Bishop of Dunkeld, patronizes 

the Carmelites at Perth, i. 91. 
Richmond, Ludovic, Duke of. See 

Rizzio, or Riccio, David, secretary to 
Queen Jlary, account of, ii. 26, 27 ; 
promotes the marriage of Lord Darn- 
ley to Queen Mary, ib. 

murder of, in Holyrood Palace, 

ii. 35-38 ; results of, ii. 39. 
Robert, Prior of Scone, Bishop of St 

Andrews, i. 68, 69. 
Robert, Abbot of Dunfermline, deposi- 
tion of, i. 82. 
Robert II., coronation of, i. 110. 
Roger, Archbishop of St Andrews, i.73. 
Roger, elected Bishop of St Andrews, 

1. 82. 
Roger, John, a BlackFriar, killed, i. 149. 
Rollock, Robert, presides at a General 
Assembly at Dundee, iii. 53. 

death of, iii. 77, 78 ; account of,ib. 

Rome, appeals to, in the election to the 

see of St Andrews, i. 79, 80. 
Ross, Bishopric of, founded, i. 69. 

Bishops of, i. 215, 216, 246-248. 

Rough, John, a Reformer, notices of, i. 

143, 144, 167 ; burnt, i. 172. 
Row, John, minister of Perth, death 

and character of, ii. 273, 274. 
Rule, St, or Regulus, church of, at St 

Andrews, founded, i. 8. 
Rustandus, papal legate, opposition to, 

i. 90. 
Ruthven, Raid of, ii. 289, 291. 

Sadler, Sir Ralph, arrival of, i. 142. 

Sandilands, Sir James, of Calder, pre- 
sents petitions from the Reformers to 
the Queen Regent and Privy Coun- 
cil, i.2G6, 267. 

Sanquhar, Crichton, Lord, hires a per- 
son to kill an English fencing-master, 
iii. 215 ; trial and execution of, ib. ; 
dissolute life of, at Paris, ib. 

Saturday from twelve o'clock to Mon- 
day morning to be observed as a holi- 
day, i. 8:2. 

Scoiic, Abbey of, destroyed, i. 279, 200. 

Scot, John, elected Bishop of St An- 
drews, not sanctioned by the king, 
i. 78. 

consecrated at Holyrood Abbey, 

i. 79. 

appointed Bishop of Dunkeld, i. 


Scot, John, impostures of, at Edinburgh, 
i. 136, 137. 

Scotland, conversion of, to Christianity, 
i. 1,2,3,4. 

converted to Christianity before 

Ireland, i. 15. 

original designation of, i. 16. 

numbers of learned men in, i. 41, 

42, 43. 

Chief Bishop of, title of, i. 46. 

Church of, disputes with the Arch- 
bishops of York, i. 73. 

Bishops and clergy of, cited to ap- 
pear at Norham, ib. 

Church of, gross corruptions in, i. 

118, 119. 

Reformation war in, i. 263-331. 

political position of, at Queen 

Jiary's arrival, ii. 6, 7. 

civil war in, by Queen Mary's 

party, ii. 156-162. 
North of, feuds in the, ii. 410, 411, 

424, 425. 

High Court of Commission in 

causes ecclesiastical instituted in. 
See Commission (High Court of). 

Privy Council of, number of mem- 
bers of, and regulations to be observ- 
ed by, iii. 212, 213. 

Scots, the, defeated by the Piets, i. 7. 

persecution of, by the Picts, ib. 

Scots, exile of, i. 8. 

conformity of, to the Britons in 

rehgion,i. 24. 

Scotsmen in Germany, notices of, i. 64. 

Scotus, Joannes, i. 42. 

or Erigeua, account of, i. 53, 54. 

works of, ib. 

death of, i. 54. 

Scott, Michael, surnamed the " Wiz- 
ard," notice of, i. 93. 

Seaton, Alexander, Dominican Friar, 
embraces the Protestant doctrines, i. 
127 ; account of, ib.; flight of, i. 128, 

Sedulius, account of, i. 15. 

Sempill, John, of Belltrees, severely 
harassed by the Regent Alorton, ii. 
203, 204. 

Servanus, Bishop of Orkney, i. 20. 

Seton, Sir Alexander, succeeds his 
cousin the Earl of Eglinton, iii. 217; 
prohibited by the King to assume the 
title of Eglinton, ib. ; afterwards re- 
cognised as Earl of Eglinton, ib. 

Severus, Roman Wall of, between the 
Forth and the Clyde, erection of, 
i. 4. 



Shevez, William, Archbishop of St An- 
drews, account of, i. 117-1'21. 
Simpson, Archibald, minister of Dal- 
keith, signs the protestation against 
the Church of England, iii. 244 ; im- 
prisoned, iii. 247 ; submission of, iii. 
250, 251. 
Sinclair, John, afterwards Bishop of 

Brechin. See Restalrig (Dean of). 
Sixtus IV., Pope, constitutes St An- 
drews an Archl'isliopric, i. IIG. 
Smeton, Thomas, Principal of Glasgow 
University, death of, ii. 319; account 
of, ii. 320. 
Sodor, Bishops of, origin of the title of, 

i. 5, 6. 
Somerset, Earl of, trial and condemna- 
tion of, iii. 230 ; pardoned, ib. See 
Ker (Sir Thomas). 
Spain, intrigues of, in Scotland, ii. 378. 
Spanish Armada, destruction of, ii. 387, 

Spanish Blanks, the, note, iii. 117. 
Spottiswoode, John, Superintendent of 

Lothian, death of, ii. 3l3(i, 337. 
Spottiswoode, John, son of the Super- 
intendent, appointed Archbishop of 
Glasgow, iii. 140. 

presides at a General Assembly, 

iii. 205 ; consecrated at London, iii. 
209 ; translated to St Andrews, iii. 
preaches before the General As- 
sembly in 1617 at Perth, iii. 248. 

letters to, from James VL, iii. 

249, 250. 

manuscript copies of his History of 

the Church of Scotland, i. v-xvii. 

life of, i. xxix-cxxxvi. 

Sprot, George, execution of, for his 
connexion with the Gowvie Couspi- 
racy, iii. 199 ; confession of, ib. 
Spyuie, Sir Alexander Lindsay, first 

Lord, killed, iii. 190, 191. 
Stephen, Prior of St Andrews, elected 

Bishop of St Andrews, i. 110. 
Stewart, Alexander,elected Archbishop 
of St Andrews, i. 122 ; killed at the 
battle of Flodden, ib. 
Stewart, James, titular Archbishop of 
St Andrews, election and death of, i. 
Stewart,Captain James, created Earl of 
Arran, accuses the Earl of Morton of 
Darnley's murder, ii. 271. 

prolligacy of, ii. 280. 

dismissed from the Chancellor- 
ship, ii. 374. 

killed, iii. 40. 

Stewart, Thomas, son of Robert II., 
refuses the see of St Andrews, i. 111. 
Storraout, Sir David Murray, Lord 
Scone, first Viscount, appears as a 
commissioner from James VI. to the 
General Assembly in 1617, iii. 248. 
Stuart, Lord James, sent to quiet the 
Borders, ii. 16 ; created Earl of Mar, 
ib. ; created Earl of Moray, ib. See 

Stirling, tumult at, ii. 331. 

Stniiton, David, burnt for heresy, i. 131. 

Struthers, William, one of the ministers 
of Edinburgh, preaches against the 
Church of England, iii. 241, 242 ; dis- 
pleasure of James VI. at, ib. 

Supremacy, Royal, in the General As- 
semblies, to be regulated with tho 
advice of the Bishops and a number 
of the ministers, iii. 241. 

Suteville, Dean of Dunkeld, rejected as 
Bishop of St Andrews, i. 88. 

Templars, Knights, origin of, and sup- 
pression of the, in Scotland, i. 101, 
102, 103. 

Thirlstane, Sir John Maitland, first 
Lord, accusations against, ii. 372 ; 
appointed Chancellor, ii. 374. 

death of, ii. 463, 464. 

Thomson, Ale.xauder, minister of Cam- 
buslang, appointed one of the minis- 
ters of Edinburgh, iii. 256. 

Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, interview 
of, with Queen Mary, ii. 2, 3, 4. 

Thurstan, Archbishop of York, claims 
of, i. 65-68. 

Traill, Walter, Bishop of St Andrews, 
i. 110. 

Turgot, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 62, 63. 

Tuthaldus, Bishop of St Andrews, i. 

Union, projected treaty of, with Eng- 
land, rejected, iii. 192. 

Veremundus, Archdeacon of St An- 
drews, History of Scotland by, i. 64 ; 
doubtful existence of, ib. 

Vibianus, Cardinal, in Scotland, i. 78 ; 
proceeds to Ireland, ib. ; returns to 
Scotland and enacts unpopular can- 
ons, ib. 

Victor (Pope) sent no Qiristian preach- 
ers to Scotland, i. 2, 3. 

Wachop, or Wauchope, Robert, notice 
of, i. 192, 193, 

Wallace, Adam, trial and martyrdom 
of, i. 178,179, 180. 

Wallace, minister of St Andrews, iii. 
62, 63, 64 ; death of, iii. 77. 

Wallace, Sir William, account of, i. 

Walsingham, Sir Francis, Secretary of 
State in England, letter of, to Lord 
Thirlestano, ii. 3,55, 365-371. 

Walter, Bishop of Dunkeld, death of, 

Walter, Bishop of Glasgow, i. 85. 

Walthcuiius, Abbot of Melrose, refuses 
tho Bishopric of St Andrews, i. 72. 

Wardlaw, Henry, Bishop of St An- 
drews, i. Ill ; character of, i. 112; 
ei-ects the Guard Bridge over the 
Eden in Fife, ib. ; death of, i. 1 1 3. 

Welch, or Welsh, John, minister, trea- 
sonable sermon of, iii. 33, 34. 

Whitsunday, Festival of, enjoined to 
be observed iu Scotland, iii. 257. 



William, Bishop of Glasgow, i. 87. 

William, a Friar, notice of, i. 143, 

William 11., King of Scotland (1165) 
accession of, i. 75 ; invades England, 
and is taken prisoner, ib. ; sent to 
Normandy, ib. ; conditions for the 
ransom of, i. 75, 80 ; death of, i. 83 ; 
munificence of, ib. ; founder of Aber- 
brothock Abbey, ib.; interred in that 
Abbey, i. 84. 

Willox, John, Franciscan Friar, ac- 
count of, i. 183. 

speech of, against the Queen Re- 
gent, i. 300, 301. 

Winyet, or Wingate, Ninian, questions 

of, against the Confession of Faith, 
ii. 15 ; flight of, ib. ; account of, ib. 

Wishart, George, the " Martyr," his- 
tory of, i. 150-1()'2; trial of, for heresy, 
i. 15&' ; burnt, i. 161, 162 ; note on, i. 
230, 231. 

Wishart, William, elected Bishop of 
Glasgow, i. 91 ; consecrated, ib. 

Witches, prosecutions of, ii. 411, 412. 

trials of, iii. 68, 69. 

York, Archbishops of, claims of, to 
jurisdiction over the Church of Scot- 
land, i. 65-68, 71, 73, 76, 77, 78. 

Young, SirPeter, preceptor with George 
Buchanan to James VI., ii. 223. 









On Paschal Canon, ....... 47 


Notes on the Catalogue of Bishops, . . . . .227 


L On the authenticity of Knox's History, .... 375 

2. On the validity of the ParUament held at Edinburgh in the month of 
August 1560, 378 


Some account of Adam Bothwell, bishop of Orkney, ... 71 


1. The Pest of 1568, 211 

2. The King and Queen's Wars— Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange- 

Sieges of Merchiston Castle, ..... 213 


1. Queen Mary and her Maidens— Scott of Buccleuch and Francis Mow- 

bray (vol. iii.) . . . . . . . .111 

2. The Spanish Blanks— Proceedings of the Kirk— Napier of Merchiston 

and King James— Progress of Science, . . . . 117 


1. Examination of the Postscript to the Gowrio Conspiracy, and of modern 

historians on the subject, ...... 273 

2. Contract against the Broken Men of the Highlands, ... 291